This thesis is an examination and description of the United States Department of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management's program for the management of cultural resources in the State of Oregon. The author has worked for the Bureau from March, 1975 to the present as a District cultural resource specialist. The major emphasis of the thesis is a description and explanation of the Bureau's cultural resource management program and its major problems in relation to the taxpayer and archaeologists.

A study was conducted in the Upper Klamath Basin, south-central Oregon, to test Luther s. Cressman' s hypothesis characterizing prehistoric Klamath Basin culture as having, from an early date, a marsh/riverine subsistence focus with long-term stability and a slow rate of internal change emphasizing intensification of the existing marsh/riverine utilization pattern. A subsistence/ settlement pattern model was developed to predict aboriginal site occurrence in the upper Klamath Basin.

Located on a ridgetop in central Kentucky, the Singer-Hieronymus Site Complex consists of at least four Native American villages. The Native Americans who lived there are called the “Fort Ancient” by archaeologists. This study examined relationships between these villages, both spatially and temporally, to build a more complete history of site occupation. To do this, aerial imagery analysis, geophysical survey, and archaeological investigations were conducted. This research determined there were differences among villages in terms of their size, however other characteristics—internal village organization, village shape, radiometric dates, and material culture—overlapped significantly. Additionally, landscape-scale geophysical survey identified at least three potentially new villages. It has been suggested that Fort Ancient groups abandoned villages every 10 to 30 years due to environmental degradation, but these results suggest that native peoples did not abandon villages at Singer-Hieronymus. Current thought surrounding Fort Ancient village abandonment and reoccupation must therefore be reconsidered.

Though some researchers have argued that the Big Barrens grasslands of Kentucky were the product of anthropogenic land clearing practices by Native Americans, heretofore, this hypothesis had not been tested archaeologically. More work was needed to refine chronologies of fire activity in the region, determine the extent to which humans played a role in the process, and integrate these findings with the paleoenvironmental and archaeological record. With these goals in mind, I conducted archaeological and geoarchaeological investigations at Crumps Sink in the Sinkhole Plain of Kentucky. The archaeological record and site formation history of Crumps Sink were compared with environmental and archaeological data from the Interior Low Plateaus and Southern Appalachian Mountains for an understanding of how the site fits into the larger story of human-environmental interactions in the Eastern Woodlands. Based on the data recovered, I argue that through land burning Archaic hunter-gatherers were active managers of ecosystems to a greater degree than previously acknowledged. Excavations at Crumps Sink revealed stratified archaeological deposits spanning the late Middle Archaic to Terminal Late Archaic periods. Radiocarbon dates and an analysis of projectile point typologies provided information on the chronological and cultural history of the site. Magnetic susceptibility, loss-on-ignition, plant available phosphorous, and soil micromorphological analyses were conducted to examine landform dynamics in response to environmental change and to trace the anthropogenic signature created by human activities at the site. Masses of lithic debitage, animal bone, and burned sediment nodules per ten-cm-level provide an indication of human occupation intensity and shifting activities over time. Radiocarbon dates were used to reconstruct rates of sediment accumulation in the sink. These varying datasets were considered together for a holistic understanding of localized environmental and anthropogenic impacts on the landform. Between 7200 and 5600 cal. BP, during the Middle Holocene Thermal Maximum and corresponding with the late Middle Archaic period, sediment accumulation was sustained with one identifiable episode of very weak soil development. Background magnetic and chemical signatures in the soils were greater than they were at pre-occupation levels, demonstrating that human activities left a lasting imprint in soils as early as the late Middle Archaic period. Between 5600 and 3900 cal. BP, periods of diminished sedimentation led to more pronounced episodes of soil formation. However, these soil horizons are interposed by pulses of enhanced sediment accumulation. These soil data may signal shifting environmental regimes during the Middle to Late Holocene transition. Between 5600 and 3900 cal. BP scattered plant ash, elevated masses of burned sediment nodules, and pestle fragments in Late Archaic deposits suggest that hunter-gatherers were intensively processing nut mast, potentially in association with early forest clearance and silviculture. Botanical assemblages from a coincident archaeological sequence at the Carlston Annis site in the nearby middle Green River region has demonstrated woodland disturbance and potential silviculture in central Kentucky during this time. During the Late Archaic and Terminal Late Archaic periods (3900-3000 cal. BP), substantial plant ash deposition occurred in a stratum that accumulated relatively quickly. Very low burned sediment nodule masses in this deposit indicate that combustion features were not common in the immediate vicinity and that elevated frequencies of plant ash were the result of burning on a broader expanse of the surrounding landform. Chronologically, the zone with enhanced plant ash deposition is coeval with previously demonstrated occurrences of increased forest fires, grassland expansion, and a shift to early horticultural economies throughout the region. Soil development occurred after 3000 cal. BP, and this episode of landform stability may have lasted for over two millennia until being capped by sediment accumulation from historic agriculture. The late Middle Archaic through Terminal Late Archaic data from Crumps Sink demonstrate that hunter-gatherer activities left lasting signatures in soils in Kentucky. The data from the Late Archaic to Terminal Late Archaic periods (ca. 5600-3000 cal. BP) may indicate intentional land burning by hunter-gatherers to create anthropogenic environments, first for silviculture and then for early plant domestication. This forces a rethinking of labor and subsistence systems within hunter-gatherer societies. Thus, if hunter-gatherers were utilizing long-term forest management methods, they were employing a delayed-return economic system relying on labor investment and negotiated understandings about land tenure. Further characterization of the origin of fire management activities will help us to elucidate the nature of incipient indigenous plant domestication in the Eastern Woodlands.

Material culture is an understudied aspect of social life in Appalachian Studies, the multi- disciplinary investigation of social life in the Appalachian region. Historically, material culture in the region has been largely studied for its semiotic properties, decoded as a tangible symbol of “a region apart,” lagging behind the rest of America in terms of moral, mental, economic, and social development. Critical material studies from archaeology and other disciplines paint a different picture, however, and construct a region as American as any other. This study utilizes discourse analysis of material rhetoric about Appalachia and archaeological and oral historical data from two twentieth-century company- owned coal mining towns in Letcher County, Kentucky. It argues that contrary to persistent stereotypes about Appalachia as a backwards place, residents were firmly embedded in the market economy and enacted modern identities through their engagement with fellow citizens and material objects. This intersectional study uses theories of practice to explore how entanglement with mass-produced goods, notably home furnishing and wellness products, constituted residents’ identities as modern consumers along with the rest of the nation during the golden age of Appalachia’s industrialism. Appalachian women and their families embraced consumer goods, whose influx intensified during the Industrial Age, entangling their constitution as modern householders with these everyday goods through daily practice. Contrary to stereotypes about Appalachian atavism and isolation, Appalachian consumers eagerly engaged with mass-produced goods and new ideals about scientific health and house-holding along with their counterparts across the progressive United States.

There is growing awareness of the importance of public outreach in archaeology. Many professional archaeologists argue that in order to ensure continued funding we must communicate the relevance of our discipline to the public in a more effective manner. Furthermore, it is often argued that public outreach and education provides perhaps the only reliable defense against looting and rampant psuedoarchaeology. Current outreach activities, however, tend to focus on what archaeologists have discovered about the past. While this type of outreach is important, a more effective model for public outreach would focus on the methods of archaeology, rather than the results. Archaeology, with its focus on multiple lines of evidence, intertwining of the sciences and humanities, and multi-cultural perspective provides a unique model for addressing and answering questions, a model which could serve as a base for education. Promoting the methods of archaeology as an educational model, or at the very least, remembering the methods in our outreach activities, may be, in the long run, the most effective method for establishing the relevance of our discipline.

Artifacts recovered from archaeological excavations near the Willamette River in Lake Oswego, Oregon indicate the presence there of a Late Windust-Early Cascade Phase site possibly dating to 9,000 B.P. The assemblage includes 137 projectile points, bifaces or point fragments, nearly all of the Cascade-type. Two stem fragments and one complete point which are similar to those of the Windust Phase which dates 10,000-8,000 B.P. in the southern Columbia Plateau also were found. Stone knives, choppers, scrapers, hammerstones, cores and microblades also are included in the assemblage. No later type notched or stemmed points have been recovered from the site. If the hypothesized dates are valid, the site will be the oldest discovered to date in the Lower Willamette River-Portland Basin area. This thesis reports on the site, its excavation and its artifacts.

Researchers on the Northwest Coast (NWC) are often interested in complex questions regarding social organization, resource intensification, resource control, and impacts of environmental change on resources and in turn human groups. However, the excavation strategies used on the NWC often do not provide the spatial and chronological control within a site that is necessary to document their variability and answer these research questions. The Čḯxwicən site has the potential to address some of the limitations of previous Northwest Coast village site excavations because of its unique and robust sampling strategy, the wide expanse of time that it was occupied, and the multiple house structures present. An on-going project is examining changing human ecodynamics over the breadth of site occupation, focusing on zooarchaeology and geoarchaeological records. This site, located on the Strait of Juan de Fuca in Port Angeles, WA was excavated in 2004 as part of a Washington State Department of Transportation (WSDOT) undertaking to build parts for the Hood Canal Bridge Large scale excavation (261.4 m3 528 m2) generated enormous quantities of faunal remains. Radiocarbon dates and historic records show occupation extends from 2750 cal. BP to the early 20th century. Statistical sampling methods provide an empirical way to maximize the amount of information obtained with the least amount of effort. My thesis addressed the utility of Sampling to Redundancy (STR) as a statistical sampling method for sampling faunal remains from large village sites. My project has documented the variability of fish family representation across time and space in one part of the Čḯxwicən village, while minimizing the time and effort required to do so. This thesis applies STR to "S" (> 1/4 in.) 10 Liter bucket samples from eight excavation units and a total of 26 separate unique temporal and spatial contexts. I focused on 1/4 in. samples for my study for a particular reason. Previous fish faunal studies have focused on effects of mesh size on fish representation; and emphasized the need to use fine mesh (e.g., 1/8 in. or finer) to document small-bodied fishes. This focus on fine mesh typically means that only limited volumes of matrix are studied, which in turn may mean that remains of rarer, large- bodied fishes are under- represented. The on-going research project has focused on buckets screened to 1/8 in. mesh (called "C" buckets). I used STR to sample additional volumes of matrix screened to 1/4 in. to examine whether expanding the volume studied would affect fish representation, which was a second goal of my project. Overall, I studied remains from 269 "S" buckets out of a total of 419 buckets, or 47% of the buckets. STR was most helpful for six of the high bone abundance and density contexts, where I analyzed less than 50% of the total buckets, was moderately helpful for 14 contexts, and not at all helpful for the six contexts with low fishbone abundance, where I analyzed 100% of the buckets. This analysis took me a total of 154 hours, and based on the percentage of material analyzed, 174 hours were saved. As to the second project goal, to assess whether adding fish remains documented from additional matrix volume affected fish representation, I found the differences were minimal. Both for my study units as a whole, and for each time period, adding the fish records from the "S" buckets did not alter the main trends in fish representation as documented by the larger study, using a smaller volume. To further examine whether the added volume from >1/4 in "S" buckets affected results, I explored specific research questions that are relevant to the larger project regarding environment-animal interactions and fishbone deposition and bone condition inside and outside of a house structure. Adding the "S" bucket samples did not affect fish representation or fishbone distribution and condition, which affirms that the sampling strategy used in the larger research project was sufficient in most cases to characterize the fish record at the site. My approach to STR has focused on fish remains that were previously excavated from a Pacific coastal village site with dense archaeological deposits. STR could be employed in other types of archaeological settings in a range of environments (coast or interior) representing a range of cultural contexts (from hunting camps to urban centers) to establish sample redundancy after an excavation is complete. STR could be used during on-going excavation. Further research is required to explore the implications of STR in these settings, however it is likely that the success of STR in other contexts will be dependent on the density and overall abundance of remains, the diversity or material types being studied, as well of course in the range and specificity of questions in each case.

Archaeologists grapple with the problematic nature of archaeological discovery. Certain types of sites are difficult to see even in the best environmental conditions (e.g., low-density lithic scatters) and performing traditional archaeological survey is challenging in some environments, such as the dense temperate rain forests of the Pacific Northwest. Archaeologists need another method of survey to assess large areas and overcome environmental and archaeological barriers to site discovery in regions like the Pacific Northwest. LiDAR (light detection and ranging) technology, a method for digitally clearing away swaths of vegetation and surveying the landscape, is one possible solution to some of these archaeological problems. The Calapooia Watershed in the southern Willamette Valley in Oregon is an ideal area to focus LiDAR's unique archaeological capabilities, as the region is heavily wooded and known to contain hundreds of low-lying earthwork features or mounds. Modern Indigenous Communities, such as the Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde, consider the Willamette Valley mound sites highly sensitive locations, as ethnographic accounts and limited archaeological work indicate that some are burial sites. However, these mounds have received little archaeological study. Land ownership (94 percent privately owned), dense vegetation that obscures mounds, and the sheer expanse of the landscape (234,000 acres) have impeded professional archaeological research. The focus of this thesis is the development and the testing of a LiDAR and remote sensing predictive model to see if this type of model can detect where potential mound sites are located in the Calapooia Watershed, Oregon. The author created a LiDAR and remote sensing predictive model using ArcMap 10.5.1, LiDAR, and publicly available aerial imagery; manipulating data using standard hydrological tools in ArcMap. The resulting model was successful in locating extant previously identified mound sites. The author then conducted field work and determined that the model was also successful in identifying seven new, previously unrecorded mound sites in the watershed. The author also identified several possible patterns in mound location and characteristics through exploratory model analysis and fieldwork; this exploratory analysis highlights areas for future mound research. This project has clearly established a method and a model appropriate for archaeological mound prospection in the Willamette Valley. This project also shows the efficacy of LiDAR predictive models and feature extraction methods for archaeological work, which can be modified for use in other regions of the Pacific Northwest and beyond. Furthermore, by identifying these mounds I have laid the groundwork for future studies that may continue to shed light on why and how people created these mounds, which will add valuable information to a poorly understood site type and cultural practice.

The town of St. Joseph, established in 1835, served as an important deep-water port for receiving and shipping dry goods up the Apalachicola River north along the vast network of navigable inland waterways in southeastern U.S. during the early nineteenth century. Unfortunately, this town was hit with a yellow fever epidemic and a series of hurricanes that, combined with the infancy of its cotton trade activities, eventually devastated its economy and population. The town disappeared by 1842, only much later to be replaced by modern Port St. Joe (est. 1909), located north of the original settlement. However, St. Joseph's influence upon Florida's economy was paramount. It hosted Florida's first constitutional convention, where the first five constitutions were drafted. Despite St. Joseph's historical gravity, little was known about its economic impact to Florida; much of its history is shrouded in folklore. Recently a large artifact collection from St. Joseph was made available for professional research. The collector invited me to document the materials and do the first archaeological investigation of this lost town. This research also utilizes the material culture to examine questions of early nineteenth-century capitalism and consumer behavior.