The Muisca people of the Eastern Cordillera of Colombia had an exceptionally complex diet, which is the result of specific subsistence strategies, environmental advantages, and social restrictions. The distinct varieties of microclimates, caused by the sharp elevations in this part of the Andes, allows for a great biodiversity of plants and animals that was accessible to the native population. The crops of domesticated and adopted plants of the Muisca include a wide variety of tubers, cereals, fruits, and leaves that are described in detail in this thesis. The Muisca used an agricultural method known as microverticality where the different thermic floors are utilized to grow an impressive variety of species at various elevations and climates. This group also domesticated the guinea pig, controlled deer populations and possibly practiced pisiculture, patterns that are also described in this text. Some of the foods of the Muisca were restricted to specific social groups, such as the consumption of deer and maize by the chiefly classes and the consumption of roots and tubers by the lower class, hence the complexity of their dietary practices. The utensils utilized in the preparation and processing of foods, including ceramics and stone tools were once of extreme importance in the evolution of the Muisca diet and form an important part of this research as well as the culinary methods that are described in the Spanish chronicles and by contemporary experts. The majority of food products utilized by the Muisca in antiquity are still part of the diet of contemporary Colombians and the current uses of these foods can allow us to understand how these products were used by this pre-Columbian society. On the other hand, knowledge of the practices used by the Muisca can facilitate the preservation of these foods in the modern diet and avoid the introduction and replacement of these foods by nonnative products, which can be less nutritious.

While it is true that historic cemeteries are places that contain a wealth of knowledge about the history of a community they are sometimes not well maintained. The information within can be lost as grave-markers are damaged either by natural causes or human interaction. In larger cemeteries preserving these significant places can sometimes be difficult due to a number of different factors. Therefore focusing preservation efforts on specific locations where damage is more likely to occur is crucial to ensure that the monuments that are the most at risk are preserved. One possible way of accomplishing this is through the utilization of a geographic information system (GIS) to determine the shortest distance path an individual may take to reach a specific grave-marker. This can be accomplished by conducting a near analysis between an origin point and every grave-marker. These paths would also show each grave-marker that an individual passes indicating the potential for purposeful or accidental interaction. With this information efforts such as photogrammetry can be applied effectively for digital heritage preservation. Such methods would permit individuals to manipulate three-dimensional representations of grave-markers in order to preserve a large portion of the information it contains.

This study assesses the organization and intensity of hide processing from sequential occupations at the Late Fort Ancient (A.D. 1400-1680) Hardin Site located in the central Ohio Valley. Historical and archaeological sources were drawn on to develop expectations for production intensification: 1) an increase in production tool quantity, 2) an increase in production debris quantity, and 3) an increase in tool utilization intensity. Many Native groups situated on the periphery of early European colonies intensified hide production to meet demand generated by an emerging global trade in hides. As this economic activity intensified in the 16th and 17th centuries it incorporated and ever greater network of native communities. By documenting production intensification at the Hardin Site, this study evaluates the degree to which global markets incorporated regions beyond the colonial periphery before A.D. 1680. This study also examines the social dimensions of economic activity by asking who processed hides, who may have benefited from the products of this labor, and whether or not either of these were influenced by participation in the tumultuous interaction sphere of the eastern North American Contact Period.

Because it signified the violent transition from the Plantagenet to Tudor dynasty, the death of King Richard III at the Battle of Bosworth’s Field was a monumental event. After five centuries, his skeleton was rediscovered by an archaeological team at a site, formerly the location of the Greyfriars Priory Church. The presentation uses the forensic evidence to examine the extent to which the perceived image of Richard III is the result of Tudor propaganda.

Fifteen bone tool assemblages from shell midden sites were compared. Three of these are unpublished sites from Prince Rupert Harbor. They were grouped using cluster analysis. Inter and intragroup variation in bone tool assemblage structure was analyzed. One of the objectives of this study was to generate hypotheses about the function of the unpublished sites by comparing their bone tool assemblages with those from sites which are better understood by looking for underlying patterns in the bone tool assemblages. Other objectives were to test the utility of using bone tool assemblages as a diagnostic tool in analyzing sites and to test the utility of the cluster analysis procedure with this data set. Hypotheses were developed identifying possible site usage at the three Prince Rupert Harbor sites, Boardwalk (GbTo-31), Garden Island (GbTo-23), and Grassy Bay (GbTn-1). Bone tool assemblages were shown to be a useful aid in site analysis and cluster analysis was quite useful in identifying existing patterns in these data.

The study of social memory is not purely a historical or anthropological endeavor. Archaeology can provide a considerable amount of evidence about how and why people remembered. In this case study, the Colosseum will be studied in the broader sense of being a monument of damnatio memoriae and commemorative memory; the very act of building it can be seen as a form of “recutting” the landscape to fit the image Vespasian wanted to convey of his predecessor. The Colosseum will also be studied in an even larger historical context. This will involve analyzing the manner in which it was memorialized during the Middle Ages, the Renaissance, and by British visitors during the Victorian era. I will end the case study with an analysis of Benito Mussolini’s use of antiquity and the Colosseum to propagate Fascism. Lastly, the concept of cultural heritage and the institutions that uphold it, particularly UNESCO, will be put into question. In illustrating the fluidity of interpretations of the past, in this case through material culture, I argue that the endeavor to codify them by establishing World Heritage sites is problematic because of their subjectivity to modern agendas. However, in order to understand changing attitudes and memories associated with a single monument, one must first explore the nature of social memory.

This thesis represents one of the first systematic, detailed spatial analyses of artifacts at the mid-19th century Hudson's Bay Company's Fort Vancouver Village site, and of clay tobacco pipe fragments in general. Historical documents emphasize the multi-cultural nature of the Village, but archaeologically there appears to be little evidence of ethnicity (Kardas 1971; Chance and Chance 1976; Thomas and Hibbs 1984:723). Following recent approaches to cultural interaction in which researchers examined the nuanced uses of material culture (Lightfoot et al 1998; Martindale 2009; Voss 2008); this study analyzed the spatial distribution of tobacco pipe fragments for behavioral information through a practice theory approach (Bourdieu 1977; Ortner 2006). The analysis aimed to determine the role of tobacco smoking in the Village. It evaluated tobacco smoking as a significant and social behavior, the visibility of maintenance behaviors in the clay pipe distributions, and evidence of ethnic variation in tobacco consumption. Spatial patterning characteristics were compiled from the few behavioral studies of clay pipe fragments (Davies 2011; Fox 1998: Hamilton 1990; Hartnett 2004; Hoffman and Ross 1973, 1974; King and Miller 1987), and indications of ethnic specific behaviors from archaeological and historical evidence (Burley et al 1992; Jacobs 1958; Jameson 2007). Distributional maps examined three pipe assemblage characteristics: fragment frequency, use wear fragment frequency, and the bowl to stem fragment ratio, to define smoking locations on the Village landscape. Visibility of maintenance and refuse disposal behaviors in the size distribution of fragments was measured through the Artifact Size Index (ASI) (Bon Harper and McReynolds 2011). This analysis also tested two possible indications of ethnic variation: differential use of stone vs. clay pipes, and consumption rates as reflected through clay pipe assemblages. The commonality of tobacco smoking locations across the landscape suggests a significant, social, and shared practice between households. Analysis of maintenance behaviors and ethnic variation proved inconclusive. This study demonstrates the value of spatially analyzing clay pipe fragment distributions for behavioral information. The insight gained from examining multiple spatial patterns suggests future studies can benefit from analyzing the spatial distribution of diagnostic characteristics of pipes and other artifact types.

Plankhouses were functionally and symbolically integral to Northwest Coast societies, as much of economic and social life was predicated on these dwellings. This thesis investigates both plankhouse architecture and the production of these dwellings. Studying plankhouse construction and maintenance provides information regarding everyday labor, landscape use outside of villages, organization of complex tasks, and resource management. This thesis investigates three plankhouse structures at two sites, Meier and Cathlapotle, in the Lower Columbia River Region of the southern Northwest Coast of North America. Methods consisted of digitizing over 1,100 architectural features, creating detailed maps of architectural features, and conducting statistical and spatial analysis of these features. I use ethnographies, historical documents, experimental archaeology, and ecological studies to characterize the processes of plankhouse production. This information is combined with excavation data from Cathlapotle and Meier to calculate estimates of material and labor required for plankhouse-related activities. Results of this study support previous inferences regarding house architecture, construction and maintenance at the two sites. Structural elements were frequently replaced, yet overall house appearance changed little over time. Some differences in structural element use and size are noted between the two sites, suggesting that slightly different building techniques may have been employed at the two villages. Although approximate, calculations of raw materials and person days required for various building tasks provide a glimpse of the massive undertaking entailed in constructing and maintaining plankhouses. These data suggest that an enormous amount of trees were required for construction and maintenance over house occupation, approximately 700-1,200 trees at Meier, 900-2,000 trees at Cathlapotle House 1, and 150-400 trees at Cathlapotle House 4. Estimates of minimum person days entailed for tasks related to initial construction range from 1,400-2,800 at Meier, to 2,100-4,500 at Cathlapotle House 1, to 350-700 at Cathlapotle House 4. In highlighting the articulation of plankhouse labor with household reproduction, this thesis demonstrates the important interplay between material outputs, everyday action, and sociopolitical aspects of Northwest Coast society.

Social status was an integral part of the social structure of Northwest Coast societies. The presence of ranked social structures and household space based on rank is reported in the ethnographic literature. Archaeologists have long searched for independent and verifiable means to infer social structure from archaeological deposits. Burial goods have been used to identify status differences. Do other items of material culture also reflect such differences? The purpose of this study was to ascertain whether or not the distribution of certain tools recovered from a Chinookan plank house on the lower Columbia River paralleled the household residence location that was keyed to social status. Among Northwest Coast societies the household was the basic social and economic unit. Ground stone tools were selected for study because they include tools which were instrumental parts of a technology that depended upon highly organized and scheduled activities, i.e. fishing and house construction. If these tools were controlled by particular individuals or families within the household, their archaeological deposition might reflect social status differences. Two questions were asked in this study. (1) What is the correlation between the volume of sediment excavated and the number of ground stone artifacts recovered from the house? (2) What is the relationship between residence location and the density of ground stone artifacts recovered from the house? The ground stone artifacts were identified, classified and counted. Correlation coefficients between the volumes of sediment excavated and the number of ground stone artifacts recovered showed that the correlation was suspiciously weak, in general, and not correlated for fishing net weights. Some factor other than solely excavation volumes was affecting ground stone artifact counts. To answer the second question linear regressions were performed. They revealed that although location was to some degree a function of the density of ground stone artifacts, that relationship was weak at the .05 significance level. However, the relationship was stronger for fishing net weights. It is likely that there are multiple reasons for ground stone tool distributions and sites must be excavated with broad exposures in order to understand the relationship between residence location and artifact densities.

A study of 80 clay figurines from aboriginal sites in the upper Rogue River Valley in southwestern Oregon fails to reveal any connection with other figurines found in the Pacific Northwest and northern California. A preference for animal rather than human representations is demonstrated. The temporal distribution of the figurines is not known, but spatial distribution appears roughly coextensive with territories occupied by the upland Takelma at the time of Euro-American contact during the second quarter of the nineteenth century.