本論文研究的目的，旨在探討鄧小平復出之後，提出「一個中心，兩個基 本點」的具有中國特色的社會主義建設下，為應付日益嚴重的社會治安問 題，及鞏固「人民民主專政」而組建的「人民武裝警察部隊」的實際狀況 及其相關情形，使得我們對「第二武裝」有確切的了解，進而掌握其 未 來的角色。 本論文，共分五章十六節，約十一萬餘字，大致內容如下： 前言說明研究動機與目的。第一章緒論。敘述人民民主專政的內涵與中共 的政法機關，並對中共公安工作沿革簡單分析，亦也描述其公安體制演變 。第二章中共人民武裝警察部隊的性質、沿革與任務。敘述武警部隊的歷 史沿革與性質，及其各警種之任務及特點、執勤方式及紀律要求。第三章 中共人民武裝警察部隊的現行體制。敘述武警之現行組織編制與指揮系統 、及共黨的絕對領導，並描述其司令部之分工及其部隊建設與總部成立以 來歷年概況。第四章中共人民武裝警察部隊的評估。評估其現存問題，另 也討論解放軍恢復「警備區」的影響。第五章結論。探討鄧小平路線下的 武警未來角色。

Thesis (Master, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2010-06-29 22:05:58.284 / The growing global awareness of sexual violence as a weapon of war has been accompanied by the strategic and pervasive inclusion of womens personal stories of war rape. This representational strategy of Western media, academia and humanitarian policies was critically examined in order to understand how war raped women in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are discursively situated as Other. Drawing on the theoretical concepts of abjection and objection, the study did not question the truth of womens experience but rather examined whether the pervasive inclusion of war rape stories constituted a true feminine subjectivity. A foucaldian notion of discourse provided a method to expose meaning and dominant discourses, which render certain identities and stories of war rape more visible than others. The purpose of this study was to critically engage with dominant Western discourses of war rape and provide a more complex understanding of how diverse power structures, identities and representational practices impact the struggle of Congolese women to end rape and open self-determined pathways of empowerment. A qualitative method of critical discourse analysis was used to examine the textual and visual processes of representation. Samples of text were taken from three main areas: media coverage (print, television, web based, magazines, and films), feminist academic literature (journals, reports and books), and humanitarian policies (UN mission reports, security council resolution, mandates and reports). The results revealed that war rape victims, the DRC and acts of rape were all positioned as Other and as a media spectacle that was further consumed by Western audiences. It was also found that certain war rape identities and social factors remained invisible, including the Wests complacency in the DRC conflict. Ultimately, the study finds a tension between discourse as a tool of liberation and a tool of power and control. This thesis recommends that anti rape activists must examine their own dominance over war rape victims and consider new strategiesbeyond the simple act of storytellingthat will position rape victims as the subjects (not objects) of their own struggle to end war rape. / Master

Thesis (Master of Business Administration)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009. / Thesis Advisor(s): Petross, Diana ; San Miguel, Joseph G. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 28, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Marine Corps, Body Armor, Family of Ballistic Protection Includes bibliographical references (p. 45-48). Also available in print.

Colombian state and non-state actors are engaging in an important conceptual debate concerning the nature of a "new" type of armed group in the country. The state labels these groups "BACRIM" (criminal gangs), arguing that they are actors of organized crime. Members of civil society reject the state's conceptualization, arguing that these groups are paramilitaries operating in the context of the armed conflict. These organizations explain that "new" groups commit the same systematic human rights violations and adhere to the same modus operandi as the Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia, an umbrella organization of over 30,000 paramilitaries that the government supposedly demobilized in a 2005 negotiation. The state, in turn, argues that paramilitarism no longer exists in Colombia and that these "new" groups do not adhere to the counterinsurgent political ideology that was characteristic of paramilitarism. My research project is a nuanced analysis of the Colombian state and non-state debate concerning these "new" armed groups. I combine interviews with state and civil society representatives with historical contextualization in order to understand what is at stake in the positions that both sides are aggressively fostering in the debate. In conceptualizing these "new" groups, many key informants engaged in a renegotiation of the state-formed historical memory concerning paramilitarism. An analysis of the trajectory of paramilitary activity reveals the protection of important elite economic and political interests as the driving force of paramilitarism; this paramilitary project fits within the goals of a state-sponsored economic process of capital accumulation. In utilizing the paramilitary label, civil society highlights these as the structural causes of paramilitarism. The state, in turn, attempts to cement its simplified definition of paramilitarism as a counterinsurgency project in removing the term 'paramilitary' from the official discourse. Furthermore, in erasing paramilitarism from the discourse, the state attempts to disassociate itself with a dark history of human rights violations against civilians. To fully understand the debate in Colombia is to understand more generally the power and weight of words in denouncing or, conversely, in silencing important issues of human rights and, ultimately, in accurately or inaccurately constructing historical memory of armed conflict. / text

In this thesis we examine three aspects of procurement policy in the context of asymmetric information. In Chapter 1, we identify an incentive for the contracted firm to underinvest in the comprehensiveness of its internal accounting system, a result similar to that due to Averch and Johnson (1962). The policy implications of this distortion are analysed using both a theoretical construct and numerical simulation. In Chapter 2, we identify a class of distortions generated by the practice of paying 'progress payments' to contracted firms in a model in which 'real' and 'symbolic' progress are not inextricably linked, and in which the procurement agency observes only the latter. In Chapter 3 we construct a simple dual-sector model in which a paternalist government uses bailouts to sustain faltering firms. The firm, knowing the motivation of its client, has an incentive to exploit that knowledge. This complicates the procurement problem in a manner explored in Chapter 3.

No description available.

No description available.

Licentiatavhandling Stockholm : Kungl. Tekniska högskolan, 2006.

Thesis--PlanB (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Stout, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.S. in Leadership and Human Resource Development)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005. / Thesis Advisor(s): Albert C. Pierce, Raymond E. Franck. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.