Yes / This report on Sri Lanka is one of 13 case studies (all of the case studies are available at www.bradford.ac.uk/cics). This research draws upon secondary data sources including existing research studies, reports and evaluations commissioned by operational agencies, and early warning and survey data where this has been available. These secondary sources have been complemented by interviews with government officers, aid policymakers and practitioners, researchers and members of the local population. The analysis and opinions expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views or policy of DFID or the UK government.

Yes

Yes / This report on Nepal is one of 13 case studies (all of the case studies can be found at www.bradford.ac.uk/cics). This research draws upon secondary data sources including existing research studies, reports and evaluations commissioned by operational agencies, and early warning and survey data where this has been available. These secondary sources have been complemented by interviews with government officers, aid policymakers and practitioners, researchers and members of the local population. The author would like to thank Robert Muggah and Philip White for comments on an earlier draft. The analysis and opinions expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views or policy of DFID or the UK government.

Yes / This mini report on Nigeria is one of 13 case studies (all of the case studies can be found at www/bradford.ac.uk/cics). This research draws upon research studies, reports and evaluations commissioned by operational agencies, and survey data where this has been available. These sources have been complemented by interviews with government officers, aid policymakers and practitioners, and researchers. The analysis and opinions expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views or policy of DFID or the UK government.

This study is a conceptual analysis of power-sharing. It applies power-sharing in the context of Mozambique. The study is informed on the premise that components of power sharing contribute to the duration of peace. However, findings from empirical investigations show that certain types of power sharing are associated with more durable peace than others, primarily through their positive effects on governance and public service delivery. The specific objectives of the study were to contextualize the concept of military power sharing arrangement; to explore the challenges faced in implementing the military power sharing arrangement in Mozambique; to explore the strategies used to manage the Mozambique peace process; to ascertain the challenges faced by the BDF during the reintegration standardized training of FRELIMO and RENAMO forces; and to propose recommendations for future interventions. In order to achieve these objectives, the study used a purposive sampling technique to assemble participants that provided useful data for the study. The target population was made up of members of the Botswana Defence Force (BDF) who participated in the United Nations Peace Mission in Mozambique dubbed UNOMOZ; and those who conducted the reintegration standardized training of FRELIMO and RENAMO military personnel Thematic analysis of the participants’ responses from the interviews was used to address the objectives of the study. The findings of the study reveal that poorly trained military personnel were a challenge to the implementation of power sharing deal in Mozambique. Also, there was a lack of trust and confidence between constituent parties, and a lack of transitional authority in holding forth power until the power sharing deal was fully implemented. In addition, the study found out that there was the problem of language barrier, and that very little counselling was offered to those who were traumatized by the conflict. Also, there was a kind of unwillingness by civilians to accept former combatants in their midst and a lack of logistics for both the peace keepers and the combatants. Among others, the study recommended that NGOs, civil society organizations, and churches should be more pro-active in engaging the government and not only ensuring that every party involved in the power-sharing deal fulfills its role, but also organizing and carrying out counselling sessions for ex-combatants as part of reintegration process.

This thesis is an examination of the Russian Armed Forces from the time of Peter the Great in the eighteenth century to the Red Army of the present.

No description available.

The thesis attempts to account for the social and political conditions which precipitated the military coup d'etat in 1967 in Greece. Part I focuses on the Hellenic Armed Forces as a power centre in the Greek political system erected on the ruins of the civil war (1946 - 1949 ). The roots of the Army's political role are traced back to the circumstances which gave rise to the civil war and the country's dependence on foreign powers. The nature of the Greek military's dependence on foreign powers is also brought into perspective. A p.rticu1ar chapter is devoted to the discussion of the sources of the Army's economic and social power as well as describing the socio-political and professional portrait of the Greek officer cotps and their politics. Part II deals with the complex relationships between the principal state institutions, the Monarchy, Parliament and the Armed Forces. Their individual strengths and weaknesses, and conflicts between them, are analysed in conjunction with the various pressures and influences exerted upon them from within and without. Part 111 studies the impact of a certain model of capitalist development on the socio-political changes which occurred in Greece in the post civil-war era (1950-1967). The form of state and the resultant political divisions, and their r1ationshi p to the social and political movements of the period are also examined in some detail. The conditions of the regime's stability and change are linked to the country's 'political institutions by applying the concepts of political mobilisation, political participation, political integration and institutionalisation.Part IV emines the crisis of the post civil-war state in Greece and attempts to cast light on the important political changes in the period 1963-1967 and on the relationship of a deepening and all embracing political crisis to the actual staging of the military coup d'tat of 1967. A necessary chronological account of events is combined with an examination of actual political practices, policies, conduct and tactics applied by the main protagonistic political forces. Finally, a concluding chapter focuses specifically on various theoretical approaches and interpretations of the role of the Hellenic Armed Forces in Greek politics over the period concerned and their ultimate intervention. The substantive conclusions of the thesis are placed into the context of a theoretical discussion which attempts to account for the post-war rise of military and authoritatian regimes in peripheral and semiperipheral capitalist societies

No description available.

How does poverty relate to why internal armed conflicts occur and intensify? This dissertation explores gendered dimensions of poverty related to minor internal armed conflict onset in poor contexts and suggests pathways through which nutritional insecurity may mediate conflict escalation by amplifying real dimensions of poverty. This dissertation analyzes positive-feedback dimensions between poverty and internal armed conflict by asking how minor internal armed conflict may occur because of gendered dimensions of poverty obscured by a focus on income per capita. This dissertation frames the decision to rebel within impoverished contexts as an issue indivisibility problem and engenders the rationalist logic as masculinist. By assessing how changes in national patterns of divorced males may reflect lost access to gendered resources within households and by analyzing how gendered structures may instantiate masculinist reactions to the gendered dimensions of poverty, this dissertation elucidates how the real effects of poverty and violence may align to lay the foundations for the amplification of internal armed conflict through the conflict cycle. By identifying three pathways through which nutritional insecurity may operate, this dissertation contributes to our understanding of how countries may develop self-reinforcing patterns of real poverty and internal armed conflict. I argue that the willingness and ability to rebel in contexts of poverty may be partially affected by lost access to resources produced at household levels by forms of feminized labor, as well as to resources that are distributed with gender inequality. I argue that nutritional insecurity may be captured by examining levels of per capita protein from meat consumption and offer three mechanisms through which protein from meat per capita consumption may proxy nutritional insecurity within poor countries that experience minor internal armed conflict: the proliferation of security dilemmas as conditioned by minor internal armed conflict; the loss of soil fertility as an amplified function of fighting; and the reliance on food exports. I examine data on 186 countries in the 1961-2008 period to interrogate why some countries develop the dynamics associated with the poverty-conflict trap and to find general support of the hypotheses.