This thesis seeks to examine the characteristics of the Turkish Lobby in the United States and the strategies it has utilized in its approach to countering the Armenian Lobby's efforts at official Recognition of the Armenian Genocide. While the Armenian Lobby and its approach to Genocide Recognition in the United States has been well-documented, the organizational structure of the Turkish Lobby and its approach to counter Genocide Recognition has been less explored. The Turkish Lobby consists of various Turkish-American organizations with close ties to Ankara, as well as professional lobbying and public relations firms contracted by the Turkish government for millions of dollars annually. The variety of actors that compose the Turkish Lobby is a reflection of Turkey's multi-pronged approach to preventing Genocide Recognition. This seeks to examine the primary strategies the Turkish Lobby has employed to counter Genocide Recognition, as well as its strengths and weaknesses according to indicators of effective ethnic group lobbying. Two case studies are presented in order to gain a better understanding of the characteristics of the Turkish Lobby and the strategies it employed to prevent two House Resolutions calling for Genocide Recognition. The findings show that the Turkish Lobby fulfills several...

Turkish denial of the Armenian Genocide is the most persistent case of institutionalized genocide denial in recorded history (Stanton, 2010). Through conducting a multimodal critical discourse analysis based on Foucauldian theories of power and exploring the socio-political dimensions of cultural trauma, memory, and photography, this thesis examines genocide denial in the case of the Armenian Genocide and seeks to understand why the ways in which we choose to remember the past matters. Genocide denial provides a compelling case for identifying how discourses legitimize power, politically, judicially, and globally. By applying a highly theoretical lens, I will consider how history is a highly political project of memory upheld by systems of power, while considering the role of eyewitness narration and documentation. It is in this tension between postmodern conceptualization of the regulatory function of discourse and the existence of historical fact that my thesis situates itself. My research will be informed primarily by Foucauldian (1982, 1995, 2003) theories of power and discourse; the unique role of witness photography in times of atrocity (P. Balakian, 2015; Batchen & Prosser, 2012; Clarke, 1997); and theories of trauma and memory (Alexander, 2004; Halbwachs & Coser, 1992; Herman, 1997; Wertsch & Roediger III, 2008).

Hypertension presents a significant health risk to both developed and developing countries, affecting approximately 78 million Americans of various ethnic backgrounds. Though a great deal of research about hypertension and minority groups has been published, few studies have examined hypertension in the Armenian American population in the Los Angeles area, one of the most concentrated Armenian American communities in the United States. The purpose of this study was to examine the differences in health promotion behavior between hypertensive and normotensive Armenian Americans. The theoretical basis for this study was Pender's health promotion model and the health promoting lifestyle profile (HPLP-II), which is used to measure 6 different subscales of health promotion behavior. A quantitative approach was used to examine the relationship between hypertensive status and health promotion behavior. With a sample size of 204, this study found that while there was no significant difference in overall HPLP-II scores, the normotensive group scored higher on physical activity (p = 0.001) and stress management (p = 0.004). These differences remained significant even when controlling for body mass index (BMI). Additionally, the study found high smoking rates and elevated BMI across both samples. These results suggest that interventions that target stress management and physical activity and use the cultural strengths of interpersonal relationships and spiritual growth may be the most effective. This information may be used as a foundation in future interventional studies and may create significant social change by decreasing hypertension among the Armenian American population and increasing awareness of risk factors and prevention.

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This study researched Armenian immigrants ability to acculturate to life in the United States. Armenian immigrants face a number of challenges when first arriving to the United States and adjusting to American culture. The challenges stem from relational areas such as communication, family interaction, and social interaction. In order to explore the challenges and successes Armenian immigrants faced during the acculturation process, I researched the plight of recent Armenian immigrants adjustment to life in the United States. The qualitative study I conducted consisted of 20 open-ended interviews of Armenian immigrants who have lived in the United States for at least 5 years. The data collected from this study as well as information gathered from Armenian cultural research and acculturation study research reveal culture specific information of the Armenian acculturation process. I was able to apply and analyze the data I collected through the major acculturation theories by people such as Berry, Kim, Ward, Bochner, and Furnham. The study indicates that Armenian immigrant's have challenges to acculturate due to living in the United States due to: ethnic traditions, communication styles, and family and social interaction.

No description available.

Master’s thesis “Representation of national culture in Armenian publishing industry” consists of two chapters. First chapter examines definitions essential to the research; characterizes major book market participants in Armenia; defines key trends in Armenian publishing industry. Second chapter is devoted to the analysis of publications issued by Armenian publishing houses; identification of means of representation of national culture in Armenian publishing industry and publications, such as content methods related to choosing particular topics – about history, Armenian culture, genocide, publications for diaspora, translated editions adapted for Armenian realities; visual and printing methods – design of translated and Armenian publications, which use national ornaments, national costumes, household items not only as informative illustrations, but also as book design elements not related directly to description of ornaments, costumes etc. Bibliography consists of 86 source materials. / Магистерская диссертация «Репрезентация национальной культуры в книгоиздании Армении» состоит из двух глав. В первой главе рас-сматриваются понятия, необходимые для исследования; характеризуются основные участники книжного рынка Армении; определяются ключевые тенденции книгоиздания Армении. Во второй анализируются выпускаемые армянскими издательствами издания; выявляются способы репрезентации национальной культуры в изданиях и издательской деятельности Армении, а именно: контент-способы, связанные с подбором определенных тем – об истории, культуре Армении, геноциде, издания для диаспоры, переводные издания, адаптируемые под армянские реалии; визуально-полиграфические способы – оформление переводных и армянских изданий, в котором используются национальные орнаменты, народные костюмы, бытовые элементы не только в качестве информативных иллюстраций, но и как элементы дизайна книг, не связанных напрямую с описанием орнаментов, костюмов и т. д. Библиографический список содержит 86 наименований.

This thesis examines the politics of narrative control, and how it relates to the formation of diasporic consciousness among Turkish migrants in the United States. It asks how Turkish diasporic identity is formed and shaped by discourses that frame Turks, and that interrogate who or what a ‘Turk’ is? This thesis suggests that this process of continual construction and re-construction of diasporic consciousness should be investigated as a matter of competitive identity formation, meaning that there is competition between multiple actors to impose a definition or label on a diasporic group and to achieve broad-based support for that label or definition. This also implies the attribution of specific values, ideas, and political agendas to that group. The thesis examines the roots, motivations and activities of Turkish American activists in Washington DC. Based on an analysis of their political orientations and internal fissures, it focuses on the current political debate over official recognition of the deportations and massacres of Armenians by Ottoman forces as a genocide. It argues that Turkish American activists have coalesced on the defensive around this issue, framing it as a matter critical to the identity of Turks. Their manifold activities to prevent the further institutionalisation of the ‘genocide’ label in American political discourse do not, however, always resonate with the passive majority of Turkish Americans.

Le but de cette recherche est double: a) essayer de soustraire le schisme de l’Église arménienne de la fin du VIe siècle (591) à une vision uniquement ‘arménienne’, c’est-à-dire périphérique et isolée par rapport aux affaires contemporains de l’Empire Romain; b) identifier les orientations et l’évolution de la politique ecclésiastique de Maurice (582-602), qui - comme montre le cas, à notre avis paradigmatique, de l’Arménie - a pris soin de l’organisation administrative et de la définition théologique de l’Église impériale, tout en assurant, d’une manière plus générale, la défense et la gestion des territoires de l’Empire. On a donc d’abord donné un aperçu de la situation de l'Empire Romain à la fin de l’antiquité tardive et souligné comment il a évolué - en particulier après Justinien – à l’intérieur, et par rapport aux peuples extérieurs avec lesquels il avait des relations diplomatiques, militaires ou de commerciales, c’est-à-dire avec les peuples germaniques, les nomades de la steppe, les Arabes et les Ethiopiens, les Chinois; ainsi que les populations caucasiennes, mais surtout le grand rival Sassanide. Puis, on a décrit les grandes lignes de la stratégie romaine le long des frontières: pendant l’antiquité tardive, elle vise, par une sage et habile diplomatie, à attirer dans l’orbite des Romains les gens aux frontières, et à les associer à la cour impériale par l'octroi de titres de grand prestige, comme patricius ou kouropalatēs. Dans ce sens, on a constaté le rôle diplomatique joué, en particulier en Orient, par les commerçants et la haute hiérarchie ecclésiastique. Ensuite, on a décrit les deux événements qui illustrent le mieux la politique ecclésiastique romaine à la fin du VIe siècle et annoncent le schisme arménien: les unions du 572 d’abord et de 591 ensuite entre l’Église Impériale et l’Église (perse-)arménienne. Dans les deux cas on a cherché à mettre en évidence les raisons christologiques (c’est-à-dire de l’orthodoxie de Chalcédoine), mais aussi politiques, militaires, stratégiques et commerciales qui déterminé les choix des Romains et des Arméniens. On a aussi prêté une attention particulière au rôle des Perses, surtout pour l'union de 591. Celle-ci a été créée après les accords entre l’Empire romain et l’État persan, et suivie par l'alliance qui permit à Khosro II, presque ‘fils adoptif’ de l'empereur Maurice, de regagner le trône qui avait été volé par l’usurpateur Bahrām Chubīn. Enfin, on a mis en évidence que cette politique ecclésiastique de Maurice est dictée par des raisons idéologiques. Entre aussi en ligne de compte la nécessité de gérer la difficile unité de l’Empire autour de la Méditerranée , unité qui avait été rétablie seulement sous Justinien. L’expansion considérable des zones frontalières, la crise économique et démographique et les événements de l’empire persan ont rendu cette réalisation difficile, de sorte que, paradoxalement, c’est bien Maurice qui donne à son État, de manière de plus en plus évidente, les traits d’un Empire de moins en moins ‘romain’ et de plus en plus ‘byzantin’.

Depending on the political environment, economic, cultural and social factors, the digital era provides new opportunities and constraints for mobilization of social movements.The current research was focused on exploring how protest leaders and activists used and perceived social media as a tool for communication and organization during the movement “take a step, #RejectSerzh”; a series of peaceful, anti-governmental protests which led to a shift of governmental power in Armenia. Prior work dedicated to unpacking the relationship between social movements and social media have focused on a few empirical cases. Hence, a case study of a yet underexplored social movement can add to this strand of literature. The methodological approach displayed in this study follows a mixed-method model. Interviews with activists of the movement “take a step, #RejectSerzh” and content analysis of official social media accounts of leaders of the movement “take a step, #RejectSerzh” were expected to provide a diverse perspective on social media tactics during the movement. The results implied that social media were perceived as one of the main contributors to the fulfilment of objectives of the movement “take a step, #RejectSerzh” in multiple ways: social media allowed for fast communication, decentralized organization, testimony of the non-violent nature of the movement, as well as validation of the movement through transparency of action (most importantly, in real-time). There was a strong indication that live video broadcasting function on Facebook was generally perceived as a tool with more capacities for contentious politics. Meanwhile, the results suggest that the movement “take a step, #RejectSerzh” could be perceived as a continuity of previous social movements, the negative experience gained from which curbed the overall tactics of the movement, rather than a result of immediate grievances. Nonetheless, the role of human emotions, such as fear, hope and will, was at the centre of interpretations of how the activists experienced the movement.