It is argued that infants build a foundation for learning about the world through their incidental acquisition of the spatial and temporal regularities surrounding them. A challenge is that learning occurs across multiple contexts whose statistics can greatly differ. Two artificial language studies with 12-month-olds demonstrate that infants come prepared to parse statistics across contexts using the temporal and perceptual features that distinguish one context from another. These results suggest that infants can organize their statistical input with a wider range of features that typically considered. Possible attention, decision making, and memory mechanisms are discussed.

Learners are exquisitely attuned to statistical information in their language input. We tested how prior experience impacts such sensitivity, particularly whether prior experience serves as a bootstrap by enabling acquisition of more complex structure. Experiments 1 and 2 tested whether giving adult learners experience with adjacent category-dependencies in an artificial language facilitates subsequent learning of a novel language containing more complex nonadjacent dependencies. Prior experience had a facilitating effect, both when it preceded exposure to the nonadjacent language by just a few minutes (Experiment 1), and also by 24 hours (Experiment 2). Prior experience with the vocabulary and prosodic characteristics of the language did not facilitate more complex learning. Experiments 3 and 4 tested whether infants also benefit from prior experience in learning nonadjacent dependencies between categories. While 12-month-olds learn adjacent dependencies between word categories (Gómez & Lakusta, 2004), they do not track nonadjacent word dependencies until 15 months (Gómez & Maye, 2005). We asked whether experience with adjacent word-category dependencies enables 12-month-olds to generalize these relations to nonadjacent occurrences. Infants were familiarized to an artificial language containing adjacent category dependencies, and were habituated to strings in which those dependencies were nonadjacent. Infants dishabituated to strings containing violations of the nonadjacent dependencies when the dependencies had been adjacent during previous familiarization (Experiment 3), and when they were novel (Experiment 4). Infants familiarized to a language lacking co-occurrence restrictions, but otherwise matched to the experimental language, failed to become sensitive to the nonadjacent category dependencies during habituation. These findings demonstrate that prior experience can bootstrap acquisition of more complex language structure.

Thesis (M.M.)--Bowling Green State University, 2009. / Document formatted into pages; contains 1 score (vii, 55 p.) For flute/alto flute, oboe/English horn, B♭/bass clarinet, bassoon, horn, two C trumpets, two trombones, vibraphone, harp, two violins, viola, cello, soprano, and electronic sound effects. "The soprano sings an original poem translated to Klingon with the assistance of Klingon-language expert Dr. d'Armond Spears and linguist Dr. Marc Okrand, creator of the official language."--Abstract. Text of song also printed separately in English and Klingon (with IPA pronunciation) on p. vi. Includes bibliographical references.

The question of how language evolved has received an increasing amount of attention in recent years. Compared to seemingly more complex phenomena such as syntax, word meanings are usually seen as relatively easy to explain. Mainstream accounts in psycholinguistics and evolutionary linguistics assume that word meanings correspond to stable concepts which are prior to language and derive straightforwardly from human perception of structure in the world. Taking a cognitive linguistic approach based on psycholinguistic evidence, I argue instead that word meanings are conventions, grounded, learned and used in the context of communication. The meaning of a word is the sum of its contexts of use, with particular features of these contexts made more or less salient by mechanisms of attentional learning and communicative inference. Evolutionarily, word meanings arise as an emergent product of humans’ adapted tendency to infer each other’s intentions using contextual cues. They are then shaped over cultural evolution by the need to be learnable and useful for communication. This thesis presents a series of experiments that test the effect of these pressures on the origins and development of word meanings. Experiment 1 investigates the origins of strong tendencies for words to specify features on particular dimensions (such as the shape bias). The results show that these tendencies arise via attentional learning effects amplified by iterated learning. Dimensions which are less salient in contexts of learning and use drop out of word meanings as they are passed down a chain of learners. Experiments 2, 3 and 4 investigate the structure of word meanings produced during either paired communication games or individual labelling of images by similarity. While communication alone leads to word meanings that are unstructured and poorly aligned within pairs, communication plus iterated learning leads to word meanings that increase in structure and alignment over generations. Finally, Experiment 5 investigates the interaction of event structure and developing conventions in shaping word meanings. The structure of events in an artificial world is shown to influence lexicalisation patterns in the languages conventionalised by communicating pairs. Event features that are less predictable across communicative contexts tend to be more strongly associated with the conventions in the language. Overall, the experiments show that rather than straightforwardly reflecting pre-linguistic conceptualisation, word meanings are also dynamically shaped by learning and communication. In addition, these processes are constrained by the conventions that already exist within a language. This illuminates the mixture of convergence and diversity we see in word meanings in natural languages, and gives insight into their evolutionary origins.

In 1935 the linguist George Kingsley Zipf made a now classic observation about the relationship between a word's length and its frequency: the more frequent a word is, the shorter it tends to be. He claimed that this 'Law of Abbreviation' is a universal structural property of language. The Law of Abbreviation has since been documented in a wide range of human languages, and extended to animal communication systems and even computer programming languages. Zipf hypothesised that this universal design feature arises as a result of individuals optimising form-meaning mappings under competing pressures to communicate accurately but also efficiently - his famous Principle of Least Effort. In this thesis, I present a novel set of studies which provide direct experimental evidence for this explanatory hypothesis. Using a miniature artificial language learning paradigm, I show in Chapter 2 that language users optimise form-meaning mappings in line with the Law of Abbreviation only when pressures for accuracy and efficiency both operate during a communicative task. These results are robust across different methods of data collection: one version of the experiment was run in the lab, and another was run online, using a novel method I developed which allows participants to partake in dyadic interaction through a web-based interface. In Chapter 3, I address the growing body of work suggesting that a word's predictability in context may be an even stronger determiner of its length than its frequency alone. For instance, Piantadosi et al. (2011) show that shorter words have a lower average surprisal (i.e., tend to appear in more predictive contexts) than longer words, in synchronic corpora across many languages. We hypothesise that the same communicative pressures posited by the Principle of Least Effort, when acting on speakers in situations where context manipulates the information content of words, can give rise to these lexical distributions. Adapting the methodology developed in Chapter 2, I show that participants use shorter words in more predictive contexts only when subject to the competing pressures for accurate and efficient communication. In a second experiment, I show that participants are more likely to use shorter words for meanings with a lower average surprisal. These results suggest that communicative pressures acting on individuals during language use can lead to the re-mapping of a lexicon to align with 'Uniform Information Density', the principle that information content ought to be evenly spread across an utterance, such that shorter linguistic units carry less information than longer ones. Over generations, linguistic behaviour such as that observed in the experiments reported here may bring entire lexicons into alignment with the Law of Abbreviation and Uniform Information Density. For this to happen, a diachronic process which leads to permanent lexical change is necessary. However, crucial evidence for this process - decreasing word length as a result of increasing frequency over time - has never before been systematically documented in natural language. In Chapter 4, I conduct the first large-scale diachronic corpus study investigating the relationship between word length and frequency over time, using the Google Books Ngrams corpus and three different word lists covering both English and French. Focusing on words which have both long and short variants (e.g., info/information), I show that the frequency of a word lemma may influence the rate at which the shorter variant gains in popularity. This suggests that the lexicon as a whole may indeed be gradually evolving towards greater efficiency. Taken together, the behavioural and corpus-based evidence presented in this thesis supports the hypothesis that communicative pressures acting on language-users are at least partially responsible for the frequency-length and surprisal-length relationships found universally across lexicons. More generally, the approach taken in this thesis promotes a view of language as, among other things, an evolving, efficient code for information transfer.

Previous research in evolutionary linguistics has made wide use of artificial language learning (ALL) paradigms, where learners are taught artificial languages in laboratory experiments and are subsequently tested in some way about the language they have learnt. The ALL framework has proved particularly useful in the study of the evolution of language, allowing the manipulation of specific linguistic phenomena that cannot be isolated for study in natural languages. Furthermore, this framework can test the output of individual participants, to uncover the cognitive biases of individual learners, but can also be implemented in a cultural evolutionary framework, investigating how participants acquire and change artificial languages in populations where they learn from and interact with each other. In this thesis, I present a novel methodology for studying the evolution of language in experimental populations. In the artificial sign language learning (ASLL) methodology I develop throughout this thesis, participants learn manual signalling systems that are used to interact with other participants. The ASLL methodology combines features of previous ALL methods as well as silent gesture, where hearing participants must communicate using only gesture and no speech. However, ASLL provides several advantages over previous methods. Firstly, reliance on the manual modality reduces the interference of participants’ native languages, exploiting a modality with linguistic potential that is not normally used linguistically by hearing language users. Secondly, research in the manual modality offers comparability with the only current evidence of language emergence and evolution in natural languages: emerging sign languages that have evolved over the last century. Although the silent gesture paradigm also makes use of the manual modality, it has thus far seen little implementation into a cultural evolutionary framework that allows closer modelling of natural languages that are subject to the processes of transmission to new learners and interaction between language users. The implementation and development of ASLL in the present work provides an experimental window onto the cultural evolution of language in the manual modality. I detail a set of experiments that manipulate both linguistic features (investigating category structure and verb constructions) and cultural context, to understand precisely how the processes of interaction and transmission shape language structure. The findings from these experiments offer a more precise understanding of the roles that different cultural mechanisms play in the evolution of language, and further builds a bridge between data collected from natural languages in the early stages of their evolution and the more constrained environments of experimental linguistic research.

Languages are culturally transmitted through a repeated cycle of learning and communicative interaction. These two aspects of cultural transmission impose (at least) three interacting pressures that can shape the evolution of linguistic structure: a pressure for learnability, a pressure for expressivity, and a pressure for coordination amongst users in a linguistic community. This thesis considers how these sometimes competing pressures impact linguistic complexity across cultural time. Using artificial language and iterated learning experimental paradigms, I investigate the conditions under which complexity in morphological and syntactic systems emerges, spreads, and reduces. These experiments illustrate the interaction of transmission, learning and use in hitherto understudied domains - morphosyntax and word order. In a first study (Chapter 2), I report the first iterated learning experiments to investigate the evolution of complexity in compositional structure at the word and sentence level. I demonstrate that a complex meaning space paired with pressures for learnability and communication can result in compositional hierarchical constituent structure, including fixed combinatorial rules of word formation and word order. This structure grants a productive and productively interpretable language and only requires learners to acquire a finite lexicon and a finite set of combinatorial rules (i.e., a grammar). In Chapter 3, I address the unique effect of communicative interaction on linguistic complexity, by removing language learning completely. Speakers use their native language to express novel meanings either in isolation or during communicative interaction. I demonstrate that even in this case, communicative interaction leads to more efficient and overall simpler linguistic systems. These first two studies provide support for the claim that morphological and syntactic complexity are shaped by an overarching drive towards simplicity (or learnability) in language learning and communication. Chapter 4 reports a series of experiments assessing the possibility that the simplicity bias found in the first two studies operates at a different strength depending on the linguistic level. Studies in natural language learning and in pidgin/creole genesis suggest that while morphological variation seems to be highly susceptible to regularisation, variation in other syntactic features, like word order, appears more likely to be reproduced. I test this experimentally by comparing regularisation of unconditioned variation across morphology and word order in the context of artificial language learning. I show that language users in fact regularise unconditioned variation in a similar way across linguistic levels, suggesting that the simplicity bias may be driven by a single, non-level-specific mechanism. Taken together, the experimental evidence presented in this thesis supports the hypothesis that the cultural and cognitive pressures acting on language users during learning and communicative interaction - for learnability, expressivity and coordination - are at least partially responsible for the evolution of linguistic complexity. Specifically, they are responsible for the emergence of linguistic complexity which maximises learnability and communicative efficiency, and for the reduction of complexity which does not. More generally, the approach taken in this thesis promotes a view of complexity in linguistic systems as an evolving variable determined by the biases of language learners and users as languages are culturally transmitted.

The object of the survey about to be described, was to establish the value of the artificial language test as a prognostic basis for language aptitude. Could the artificial language test be a reliable guide for determining a student's linguistic ability? Teachers have long needed something to give them an index to pupil's capabilities so as to meet better their needs in the class room. Counselors have wanted such tests to aid them in directing young people into channels of endeavor where they can best achieve success

This thesis is concerned with structural iconicity and its effects on possessive classification. The Iconicity-of-distance hypothesis argues that the linguistic distance between a possessor and a possessum reflects the conceptual distance, and is therefore smaller in inalienable possession. The role of distance iconicity in language processing was tested using the artificial language learning paradigm. An experiment was designed to investigate whether speakers of Czech will learn an iconically structured grammar better. The experiment conducted with 40 participants did not show significant differences between the two experimental groups. However, the evidence is inconlusive and the data suggest that structural iconicity could influence processing. The results also suggest that speaker of Czech are able to use alienability as a category of language.

The acquisition of phonological alternations consists of many aspects as discussions in the relevant literature show. There are contrary findings about the role of naturalness. A natural process is grounded in phonetics; they are easy to learn, even in second language acquisition when adults have to learn certain processes that do not occur in their native language. There is also evidence that unnatural – arbitrary – rules can be learned. Current work on the acquisition of morphophonemic alternations suggests that their probability of occurrence is a crucial factor in acquisition. I have conducted an experiment to investigate the effects of naturalness as well as of probability of occurrence with 80 adult native speakers of German. It uses the Artificial Grammar paradigm: Two artificial languages were constructed, each with a particular alternation. In one language the alternation is natural (vowel harmony); in the other language the alternation is arbitrary (a vowel alternation depends on the sonorancy of the first consonant of the stem). The participants were divided in two groups, one group listened to the natural alternation and the other group listened to the unnatural alternation. Each group was divided into two subgroups. One subgroup then was presented with material in which the alternation occurred frequently and the other subgroup was presented with material in which the alternation occurred infrequently. After this exposure phase every participant was asked to produce new words during the test phase. Knowledge about the language-specific alternation pattern was needed to produce the forms correctly as the phonological contexts demanded certain alternants. The group performances have been compared with respect to the effects of naturalness and probability of occurrence. The natural rule was learned more easily than the unnatural one. Frequently presented rules were not learned more easily than the ones that were presented less frequently. Moreover, participants did not learn the unnatural rule at all, whether this rule was presented frequently or infrequently did not matter. There was a tendency that the natural rule was learned more easily if presented frequently than if presented infrequently, but it was not significant due to variability across participants. / Suffixe, die an Wortstämme angehängt werden, tragen grammatische Informationen. Bei Verben wird dabei die Person, Numerus, Tempus, Modus und Genus Verbi angezeigt, bei Nomen Kasus, Numerus und Genus. Durch phonologische Kontexte bedingt kann eine solche morphologische Markierung ihre Gestalt ändern und unterschiedliche Oberflächenformen annehmen. Die dabei entstandenen Allomorphe werden durch regelbasierte Prozesse von dem zugrunde liegenden Morphem abgeleitet. Es zeigt sich, dass der Erwerb morphophonemischer Alternationen ein aufwendiger und schwieriger Lernprozess ist. Die vorliegende Arbeit beschäftigt sich nun mit Faktoren, die den Erwerb der Alternationen positiv beeinflussen können. Zum einen wird der Faktor Natürlichkeit, zum anderen der Faktor Auftretenshäufigkeit diskutiert. Trotz einiger widersprüchlicher Evidenzen bezüglich des ersten Faktors hat sich in der neueren Forschung herausgestellt, dass ein natürlicher Prozess leichter zu lernen ist als ein unnatürlicher. Oft konnte ein Vorteil der natürlichen gegenüber den unnatürlichen Prozessen festgestellt werden. Allerdings zeigt sich dieser Umstand nicht immer – dann wiederum zeigt sich kein Vorteil gegenüber einem der beiden Prozesse. Die Ursachen dafür sind in der Methode oder der Herangehensweise zu suchen. Mache Methode scheint nicht sensitiv genug zu sein, den Vorteil aufzudecken, und manche Studien gehen unterschiedlich an die generelle Frage heran, was denn überhaupt ein natürlicher Prozess ist. Unter Berücksichtigung der einschlägigen Literatur habe ich Charakteristika eines typisch natürlichen Prozesses herausgearbeitet und damit die definitorische Grundlage für die empirische Untersuchung derselben bestimmt. Die Auftretenshäufigkeit eines Prozesses scheint auch ein entscheidender Faktor für den Erwerbsprozess zu sein. Dabei wird der Prozess leichter gelernt, der frequent im Input vorliegt, wohingegen ein Prozess schwieriger zu lernen ist, je weniger häufig er vorkommt. In verschiedenen Studien konnte gezeigt werden, dass die bloße Verteilung eines Musters in Wörtern bzw. im Lexikon schon ausreichen kann, zugrunde liegende Repräsentationen zu formen. Dabei ist immer das frequentere Muster das zuverlässigere. Anhand einer experimentellen Studie habe ich beide Faktoren direkt miteinander verglichen. Es wurde die Lernbarkeit einer natürlichen künstlichen Sprache mit der einer unnatürlichen künstlichen Sprache verglichen. Die Sprachen unterschieden sich lediglich in der Regel, nach der eines von zwei Pluralmorphemen ausgewählt werden musste, wobei die natürliche Sprache nach Vokalharmonie alternierte und die unnatürliche Sprache nach einer arbiträren Regel. In zwei Hauptgruppen wurde 80 erwachsenen Deutschen entweder die eine oder die andere Sprache präsentiert. In jeder Gruppe wurde die Hälfte der Probanden häufig (zu 50%) mit der Alternation konfrontiert, die andere Hälfte infrequent (zu 25%). Nach der Familiarisierungsphase ohne expliziten Lernauftrag war die Aufgabe aller Probanden, von neuen Wörtern der Sprache(n) den Plural zu bilden. Die Analyse der Reaktionen ergab einen Effekt der Natürlichkeit, aber keinen der Auftretenshäufigkeit: Die natürliche Sprache war deutlich besser zu lernen als die unnatürliche. Die Auftretenshäufigkeit in beiden Sprachen führte zu keinem signifikanten Unterschied. Kein einziger von den 40 Probanden, die die unnatürliche Regel präsentiert bekamen, hat die Regel für die entsprechende Alternation gelernt. Es zeigt sich jedoch eine Tendenz bei den Probanden, die die natürliche Sprache erlernen sollten: Diejenigen scheinen einen Vorteil zu haben, die häufiger die Alternation während der Familiarisierungsphase hören. Aber auch unter den Probanden, die mit der natürlichen Sprache konfrontiert wurden, zeigten einige gar keinen Lernerfolg, weshalb ich vermute, dass wegen der großen Varianz in den Daten die Auftretenshäufigkeit als einflussreicher Faktor empirisch nicht belegt werden konnte. Zusammenfassend konnte nachgewiesen werden, dass das Lernen der Alternationen sehr stark von einem bias für Natürlichkeit beeinflusst wird. Allein mit der distributionellen Analyse der verschiedenen Pluralendungen hätte der Vorteil für die Alternation der natürlichen Sprache nicht erklärt werden können.