Indien är ett land som växer ekonomiskt samtidigt som problem med hur avfall ska tas omhand fortfarande är i utvecklingsfasen. Studiens fokus ligger på hur avfallshanteringen sköts i staden Bangalore. Utifrån ett svenskt perspektiv på avfallshantering med insamling och behandling har Bangalore undersökts och brister lokaliserats. Förbättringsförslag presenteras utifrån de brister som framkommit och ett fokus har lagts på om svenska avfallslösningar skulle kunna implementeras i Bangalore. Svensk avfallshantering utgör en bra grund för ett funktionellt avfallshanteringssystem och har därför använts som referens vid jämförelser och förbättringsförslag. I Sverige används källsortering vid sortering av avfall för att få en högre grad av återvinningsbarhet. De behandlingssteg som finns ger energi på olika sätt och ytterst lite avfall läggs på deponier. Ett ständigt arbete utförs utifrån avfallstrappans steg. I Bangalore är situationen omvänd och det avfall som lyckas samlas in hamnar till största delen på deponier eller inofficiella dumpningsplatser runt om i staden. I Sverige sköts avfallshanteringen av den formella sektorn medan den i Bangalore till stor del utförs av en informell sektor där privata personer samlar in skräp. En litteraturstudie har gett insikt i vilka problem utvecklingsländer kan ha gällande avfallshantering och även vilka faktorer som spelar in vid verkställandet av ett fungerande system. I projektet gjordes en observationsstudie på plats i Bangalore under två veckors tid. Utifrån observationsstudien kunde mycket av tidigare information kring hur avfallshanteringen går till granskas mer kritiskt och ett mer verklighetstroget resultat framföras. Det saknas ett fungerande system som är heltäckande för hela Bangalore, vilket gör att mycket avfall hamnar direkt på gator eller på övergivna tomter. Detta i sin tur ger upphov till dålig lukt för invånarna och en ohygienisk miljö. De insamlingssystem som finns att tillgå för allmänheten var i övergripande fall otillräckliga. Tre olika faktorer identifierades som hindrar att avfallshanteringen ska kunna fungera. Dessa var politik, den formella och informella sektorn, samt insamlingssystem av avfall. Ett stort hinder inom Bangalore är det bristande politiska intresset att få till en fungerande avfallshantering. Inga stora aktioner eller krafttag tas mot de växande mängder avfall som produceras. Inte heller sker en bra integration mellan de formella avfallsinsamlarna som utgörs av avfallstransporter och avfallsinsamlare versusinofficiella avfallsinsamlare. Då Bangalore saknar ett formellt insamlingssystem ges inte rätta förutsättningar för befolkningen att kunna gå någonstans med sitt avfall. Detta leder till en ökad okunskap om hur avfall bör sorteras för att kunna behandlas på ett lämpligt sätt där föredragsvis energi kan utvinnas. Ett tydligare insamlingssystem behövs om Bangalore ska kunna nå en hållbar utveckling och bromsa de eskalerande miljöproblem som de ställs inför. Någon form av behandling av avfall krävs för att minska mängden avfall som hamnar direkt på deponering. Genom att minska trycket på deponierna finns en potential för att få en hållbar stad. / India is a country that is growing economically while the problems with the waste andit´s treatment are still in the development phase. The study focuses on how the waste ishandled in the city of Bangalore. From a Swedish point of view the waste collection andtreatment have been investigated Bangalore and shortcomings identified. Suggestionsfor improvements are presented from the lack of the waste management and the focushas been on how Swedish solutions could be implemented in Bangalore. In Sweden the sorting of waste at a household level is managed from different fractionsin containers and therefore the waste has a higher degree of recyclability. Theprocessing steps that are providing energy are sufficient leading to very little wastebeing added to landfills. A constant work is done based on the waste hierarchy. InBangalore, the situation is the reverse and the waste collected mostly ends up inlandfills or unofficial dumping sites around the city. In Sweden, waste is handled by theformal sector, while Bangalore is largely dependent on an informal sector whereindividuals collect waste. A literature study has provided insight into the difficulties developing countries mayhave to face regarding waste management and the factors that come into play in theexecution of a functioning system. Within the project, an observational study was madein Bangalore for two weeks. Based on the observational study a lot of previousinformation on how waste is handled could be examined more critically and morerealistic conclusions drawn. The lack of a functioning system for waste collectionthroughout Bangalore results in a lot of waste ending up directly on the streets or onabandoned plots. This in turn gives rise to odors for residents and an unhygienicenvironment. The collection available to the public was in most cases insufficient. Three factors were identified that prevent the waste management from functioning.These were politics, the formal and informal sector, as well as the practical collectionof waste. A major obstacle in Bangalore is the lack of political interest of functioningwaste management. No major action is taken against the growing amounts of wasteproduced. A good integration between the formal waste collectors consisting of thetransport of waste and waste collectors versus informal waste collectors is missing.Bangalore also lacks formal collection systems and the people are not given the rightconditions to be able to go anywhere to get rid of their waste. This leads to increasedignorance about how waste should be sorted for processing appropriately and whereenergy can be recovered. A clearer collection is needed if Bangalore is to achieve sustainable development and tocurb the escalating environmental problems they face. Some form of waste treatment isneeded to reduce the pressure on the city landfill. By doing this there is a change for thecity to be sustainable and green.

From 'Pensioners Paradise' or 'Garden City' to 'Silicon Valley' or 'Garbage City', the city of Bangalore has come a long way. One of the interesting aspects of life in Bangalore is 'public life' and the use of public space. However the quality of public spaces in Bangalore has deteriorated over the years due to several reasons. Rapid development, increase in traffic, encroachment into public spaces and lack of management of public spaces have all contributed to this. The CBD (Central Business District) area, especially M.G. Road has evolved as the de-facto centre of Bangalore. Hence a space that used to cater to a city of 2 million in 1980 has to now cater to a city of 5 million. This has led to congestion on M.G. Road, especially along the sidewalk, where people jostle each other to get to their destinations and one can no longer take a leisure stroll or promenade in comfort. Although the sidewalk has been historically an important public space, it is now slowly being reduced to the function of circulation. The increase in population has also altered the demands on public spaces in Bangalore. The cosmopolitan image that Bangalore has acquired has resulted in the creation of many eclectic spaces such as pubs, open-air cafés, and food courts. The common man is being left out of this semi-public realm because of affordability, causing a social rift. Also with pressure increasing on the streets it is becoming difficult to cater to these needs in an appropriate manner. The public realm is slowly diminishing and the semi-private realm is filling the void. This calls for a re-evaluation of the role of a street and how it is functioning in Bangalore and exploration of new spatial types of public spaces, which can be introduced in the public realm. Public spaces should reconcile these differences rather than aggravate them. With pressure on land due to increasing population and density a contest for space is inevitable. What is important is to reconcile these differences and evolve a strategy through which public space can be returned to the people irrespective or religion, caste, creed, class or political alignment for the common good without compromising on aesthetics. At the same time the poor and deprived need to feel a sense of belonging and ownership in the city. Public space is one of the few mediums for such expressions and hence the duty of the city to provide it. Also the absence of iconic public spaces as landmarks has resulted in Bangalore remaining an imageless city, a former middle-class city with no apparent vernacular. Today Bangalore has no real city centre to represent its image and cater to its citizens. The elements of a city centre already exist as observed by Rao & Tewari; it is a matter of giving it structure and a sense of place. Bangalore today confronts several problems with respect to its public spaces ' lack of an imageable city centre; contest for urban and public space based on class and caste; privatisation / corporatisation of public space. To curtail violent and disruptive demonstration of ideas and aspirations by various interest groups especially those of the suppressed, the city needs a democratic, civic space in the perceived/evolving heart of the city ' M.G. Road. Such a space would attempt to bridge the zoning of Bangalore and the lack of imageability of the city; providing its citizens a space to speak their minds, to protest, to celebrate, to mourn, to recreate and most importantly to unite. The thesis document comprises three sections. The first section deals with theory pertaining to the design of public spaces that provides a basis to evaluate public spaces in Bangalore, and draw conclusions, which can be applied in the design project. It draws from public space theory pertaining to the issues identified earlier. The second section provides a brief history of urbanisation of Bangalore. It describes the use of public space from colonial times to the present and draws conclusions for future development of public spaces in Bangalore. The last section applies and tests the conclusions arrived at in the previous two chapters through a design project for a site on Mahatma Gandhi Road. The design process and final product comprises the third section. / Master of Landscape Architecture

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2007. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Jan. 6, 2009). Advisor: David H. Kaplan. Keywords: High technology; Urban change; Bengaluru. Includes bibliographical references (p. 237-253).

The thesis is about a village which has become a part of the industrial city of Bangalore, the ways in which this change in circumstances is taken into account in social relations and moral judgments and tbe relation between Hindu religion and morality. From this local study I draw tentative conclusions about social relations and movements of ideas in Indian industrial society. In chapter 1 (Introduction) I describe the conditions of my fifteen months' fieldwork. I criticize the view that economic and technical changes cause moral or social changes directly and predictably, that the effect of industrialization and urbanization must be to alter 'folk' or 'traditional' society in the direction of a single ideal type of 'urban' or 'industrial' society and that this must involve great social strain and breakdown of norms. Social change means changes in moral values and ideologies. Changes in economic and other circumstances do not determine ideologies, but are taken into account as reasons for altering social categories and making new kinds of value judgments. It is at this level of ideologies and values, rather than of 'ideal types' constructed out of external similarities, that it is useful to make comparisons between societies. Indian ideologies are expressed particularly in religious terms and the key to understanding social change in India lies in the changing relations between religion and morality. Chapter 2 (History and description) traces the village's history from its foundation around 1800 to its incorporation into Bangalore (pop. 1.2m) in the 1950s, and describes the present appearance of the village and housing conditions within it. The leading peasant families sold their land for building or built on it themselves, and became building contractors or wholesale merchants. Their sons were educated in English, and tended to become factory workers or clerks. Half the village's population of 6700 belong to families of recent immigrants. More than half the village's workers are in positions requiring some skill or responsibility. Bangalore consists largely of a network of such urban villages which are not submerged but become more conscious of their identity as the neighbourhood gains moral significance at the expense of communities of birth. Chapter 3 (Groups within the village) describes the vestiges of traditional relations between castes and the surviving village offices. These things, like village cults and festivals, acquire a new value as the reality of rural life recedes and the village's recent past is idealized in the myth of a co-operating community, associated with peasant virtues. Immigrants as well as old families are attached to the village, as a unit in which relations are moral rather than economic, and particularly as an arena in which claims to respect or status can be defended. The villagers are divided into old families and immigrants, by language (half speak Tamil the rest mainly Teluga or Kannada), by religion (four fifths are Hindus, the rest Giristians apart from a few Muslims), by caste by 'family', which varies in meaning according to the situation, by economic class, by economic relations of creditor and debtor, or of employer and employee in the case of the minority who work for other villagers by education by age, by sex by occupation, by party and faction, by voluntary associations.,by close neighbourhood and by friendship. Wherever possible I give statistics, based on a sample survey of every tenth household. In chapter 4 (Caste and family) I discuss caste ideology, the religious justification of hierarchy, the place of endogamy and occupation, and the relation between castes and 'subcastes'. I describe the main castes of the village, most of which belong to the 'middle' block of castes and are social equals, the situations in which caste counts, and the way in which endogamous groups divide, unite, overlap and change their names. The closed endogamous group tends to be replaced by overlapping marriage circles, which the household may redefine for itself within limits. Ideal relations within the family may be inferred from simple rules about who is entitled to respect, but the content of this respect, and the criteria for giving it, are changing in the direction of equality and autonomy. Chapters 5 and 6 (Religion) describe cults of the whole village, cults of other groups and personal religion. I distinguish three aspects of Hinduism: brahmanism, associated with prestige and auspiciousness, and with the values of dharma (order), permanence, hierarchy, purity and ritual, the religion of groups, for the protection and welfare of closed communities, and the religion of choice, associated with moksha or liberation, renunciation, devotion, the direct relation of the soul to God, and, particularly in the modern form of this kind of religion with conscience, responsibility and service. Brahmanism and group religion are complementary. The thinking that characterizes then is thoroughly hierarchical: men are arranged in a hierarchy of birth and function, the legitimate ends of life in a hierarchy of value. Each item in the hierarchy is justified Dy its association with those above it. Just as castes derive status from their relation to Brahmans, the interest (artha) of groups is justified by and subordinate to the eternal order (dharma) of the whole, and group religion is justified by and subordinate to brahmanism. The religion of choice tends to make universal not hierarchical distinctions, and to regard worshippers as equals. Each of these aspects is particularly associated with one of the three main temples in the village: the ore brahmanical temple, the temple of the village's patron goddess, and a Math or religious institution built over the grave of a Guru. The Math is a centre not only of devotional religion, but of social and moral innovation: its younger devotees organized a night school for village children, and have been prominent in other enterprises associated with the ideology of 'social service'. They transformed universalistic ethical beliefs which were latent and unstressed into the common assumptions of a generation influenced by the reforming enthusiasm, moral fervour and equalitarianism of the Independence movement. In chapter 7 (Respect) I consider the use and meaning of 'respect' and words connected with it ('big man' andc). Respect is a fundamental social value and the form in which economic and other relations on larger scales are projected on to the village's scale of values. It has two main components 'prestige', a given, de facto quality related to birth, wealth and influence, and 'honour', a moral, de jure quality depending on the autonomous moral judgments of others. In modern conditions the second component tends to gain importance at the expense of the first, and the conversion of wealth or power into status conies to depend now on complying with universalistic norms. Forms of organization for common action are compromises between two types: the traditional pancaayat or council, where decisions are taken by consensus and 'big men' respected for their 'prestige' take the initiative, and the modern association, where decisions are voted on and men respected for their personal moral qualities take the initiative. I describe a municipal election, and the two ways in which candidates build up support by acting through dyadic links of 'respect' and by a direct appeal to voters or supporters through ideological arguments. Chapter 8 (Values) I relate values and social relations in the village to the two types which Piaget calls heteronomy aud autonomy. Heteronomy is associated with constraint, hierarchy and unilateral respect, autonomy with aspiration, equality and mutual respect. They correspond to Bergson's closed and open types of morality, religion and society.

Reproduction de : Thèse de doctorat : Géographie : Poitiers : 2008. / Titre provenant de l'écran titre. Bibliogr. f. 421-456. Notes bibliogr.

This thesis explores state-civil society relations with respect to urban services in the context of democratic decentralisation. These issues are analysed through a comparative case study of approaches to improved services in the Indian cities of Bangalore and Calcutta. Three main areas of focus in the thesis are a) relationships between citizens' voice and local government responsiveness; b) the implications of collaboration and partnership in urban service delivery; and c) the impact of broader socio-political factors on relations between service users and service providers. At the national level, legislation attempting to revitalise local government through democratic decentralisation has had a range of consequences for urban service provision. These consequences are examined through three paths towards improving service provision. The first, led by service users, is through traditional modes of political engagement and direct involvement in local community action groups. The second path, led by the local government service providers is through internal reforms adopted to boost responsiveness. The third path is led by the collaborative efforts of service users and service providers. The consequences of national legislative attempts at decentralisation have been markedly different in the two cities. Comparing the experience of approaches to improved service delivery in each, the thesis isolates the impact of local socio-political factors on municipal local governance. Demographic characteristics, the nature of political and administrative leadership, the character of local government institutions and the status of civil society, all prove to be important determinants of the quality of service delivery. Neither Bangalore nor Calcutta have enjoyed dramatic improvements in urban services as a direct result of democratic decentralisation. The thesis argues, however, that the decentralisation process has created an environment more conducive for dialogue between service users and providers: in which users have the space to express their voice, and state actors are encouraged to listen, acknowledge and respond.

Seismic hazard and microzonation of cities enable to characterize the potential seismic areas that need to be taken into account when designing new structures or retrofitting the existing ones. Study of seismic hazard and preparation of geotechnical microzonation maps will provide an effective solution for city planning and input to earthquake resistant design of structures in an area. Seismic hazard is the study of expected earthquake ground motions at any point on the earth. Microzonation is the process of sub division of region in to number of zones based on the earthquake effects in the local scale. Seismic microzonation is the process of estimating response of soil layers under earthquake excitation and thus the variation of ground motion characteristic on the ground surface. Geotechnical site characterization and assessment of site response during earthquakes is one of the crucial phases of seismic microzonation with respect to ground shaking intensity, attenuation, amplification rating and liquefaction susceptibility. Microzonation mapping of seismic hazards can be expressed in relative or absolute terms, on an urban block-by-block scale, based on local soil conditions (such as soil types) that affect ground shaking levels or vulnerability to soil liquefaction. Such maps would provide general guidelines for integrated planning of cities and in positioning the types of new structures that are most suited to an area, along with information on the relative damage potential of the existing structures in a region. In the present study an attempt has been made to characterize the site and to study the seismic hazard analysis considering the local site effects and to develop microzonation maps for Bangalore. Seismic hazard analysis and microzonation of Bangalore is addressed in this study in three parts: In the first part, estimation of seismic hazard using seismotectonic and geological information. Second part deals about site characterization using geotechnical and shallow geophysical techniques. An area of 220 sq.km, encompassing Bangalore Municipal Corporation has been chosen as the study area in this part of the investigation. There were over 150 lakes, though most of them are dried up due to erosion and encroachments leaving only 64 at present in an area of 220 sq. km and emphasizing the need to study site effects. In the last part, local site effects are assessed by carrying out one-dimensional (1-D) ground response analysis (using the program SHAKE 2000) using both borehole SPT data and shear wave velocity survey data within an area of 220 sq. km. Further, field experiments using microtremor studies have also been carried out (jointly with NGRI) for evaluation of predominant frequency of the soil columns. The same has been assessed using 1-D ground response analysis and compared with microtremor results. Further, Seed and Idriss simplified approach has been adopted to evaluate the liquefaction susceptibility and liquefaction resistance assessment. Microzonation maps have been prepared for Bangalore city covering 220 sq. km area on a scale of 1:20000. Deterministic Seismic Hazard Analysis (DSHA) for Bangalore has been carried out by considering the past earthquakes, assumed subsurface fault rupture lengths and point source synthetic ground motion model. The seismic sources for region have been collected by considering seismotectonic atlas map of India and lineaments identified from satellite remote sensing images. Analysis of lineaments and faults help in understanding the regional seismotectonic activity of the area. Maximum Credible Earthquake (MCE) has been determined by considering the regional seismotectonic activity in about 350 km radius around Bangalore. Earthquake data are collected from United State Geological Survey (USGS), Indian Metrological Department (IMD), New Delhi; Geological Survey of India (GSI) and Amateur Seismic Centre (ASC), National Geophysical Research Institute (NGRI),Hyderabad; Centre for Earth Science Studies (CESS), Akkulam, Kerala; Gauribindanur (GB) Seismic station and other public domain sites. Source magnitude for each source is chosen from the maximum reported past earthquake close to that source and shortest distance from each source to Bangalore is arrived from the newly prepared seismotectonic map of the area. Using these details, and, attenuation relation developed for southern India by Iyengar and Raghukanth (2004), the peak ground acceleration (PGA) has been estimated. A parametric study has been carried out to find fault subsurface rupture length using past earthquake data and Wells and Coppersmith (1994) relation between the subsurface lengths versus earthquake magnitudes. Further seismological model developed by Boore (1983, 2003) SMSIM program has been used to generate synthetic ground motions from vulnerable sources identified in above two methods. From the above three approaches maximum PGA of 0.15g was estimated for Bangalore. This value was obtained for a maximum credible earthquake (MCE) having a moment magnitude of 5.1 from a source of Mandya-Channapatna-Bangalore lineament. Considering this lineament and MCE, a synthetic ground motion has been generated for 850 borehole locations and they are used to prepare PGA map at rock level. The past seismic data has been collected for almost 200 years from different sources such as IMD, BARC (Gauribidanur array), NGRI, CESS, ASC center, USGS, and other public domain data. The seismic data is seen to be homogenous for the last four decades irrespective of the magnitude. Seismic parameters were then evaluated using the data corresponding to the last four decades and also the mixed data (using Kijko’s analysis) for Bangalore region, which are found to be comparable with the earlier reported seismic parameters for south India. The probabilities of distance, magnitude and peak ground acceleration have been evaluated for the six most vulnerable sources using PSHA (Probabilistic Seismic Hazard Analysis). The mean annual rate of exceedance has been calculated for all the six sources at the rock level. The cumulative probability hazard curves have been generated at the bedrock level for peak ground acceleration and spectral acceleration. The spectral acceleration calculation corresponding to a period of 1sec and 5% damping are evaluated. For the design of structures, uniform hazard response spectrum (UHRS) at rock level is developed for the 5% damping corresponding to 10% probability of exceedance in 50 years. The peak ground acceleration (PGA) values corresponding to 10% probability of exceedance in 50 years are comparable to the PGA values obtained in deterministic seismic hazard analysis (DSHA) and higher than Global Seismic Hazard Assessment Program (GSHAP) maps of Bhatia et.al (1997) for the Indian shield area. The 3-D subsurface model with geotechnical data has been generated for site characterization of Bangalore. The base map of Bangalore city (220sq.km) with several layers of information (such as Outer and Administrative boundaries, Contours, Highways, Major roads, Minor roads, Streets, Rail roads, Water bodies, Drains, Landmarks and Borehole locations) has been generated. GIS database for collating and synthesizing geotechnical data available with different sources and 3-dimensional view of soil stratum presenting various geotechnical parameters with depth in appropriate format has been developed. In the context of prediction of reduced level of rock (called as “engineering rock depth” corresponding to about Vs > 700 m/sec) in the subsurface of Bangalore and their spatial variability evaluated using Artificial Neural Network (ANN). Observed SPT ‘N’ values are corrected by applying necessary corrections, which can be used for engineering studies such as site response and liquefaction analysis. Site characterization has also been carried out using measured shear wave velocity with the help of shear wave velocity survey using MASW. MASW (Multichannel Analysis of Surface Wave) is a geophysical method, which generates a shear-wave velocity (Vs) profile (i.e., Vs versus depth) by analyzing Raleigh-type surface waves on a multichannel record. MASW system consisting of 24 channels Geode seismograph with 24 geophones of 4.5 Hz capacity were used in this investigation. The shear wave velocity of Bangalore subsurface soil has been measured and correlation has been developed for shear wave velocity (Vs) with the standard penetration tests (SPT) corrected ‘N’ values. About 58 one-dimensional (1-D) MASW surveys and 20 two-dimensional (2-D) MASW surveys has been carried out with in 220 sq.km Bangalore urban area. Dispersion curves and shear velocity 1-D and 2-D have been evaluated using SurfSeis software. Using 1-dimensional shear wave velocity, the average shear wave velocity of Bangalore soil has been evaluated for depths of 5m, 10m, 15m, 20m, 25m and 30m (Vs30) depths. The sub soil classification has been carried out for local site effect evaluation based on average shear wave velocity of 30m depth (Vs30) of sites using NEHRP (National Earthquake Hazard Research Programme) and IBC (International Building Code) classification. Bangalore falls into site class D type of soil. Mapping clearly indicates that the depth of soil obtained from MASW is closely matching with the soil layers in the bore logs. The measured shear wave velocity at 38 locations close to SPT boreholes, which are used to generate the correlation between the shear wave velocity and corrected ‘N’ values using a power fit. Also, developed relationship between shear wave velocity and corrected ‘N’ values corresponds well with the published relationships of Japan Road Association. Bangalore city, a fast growing urban center, with low to moderate earthquake history and highly altered soil structure (due to large reclamation of land) is been the focus of this work. There were over 150 lakes, though most of them are dried up due to erosion and encroachments leaving only 64 at present in an area of 220 sq km. In the present study, an attempt has been made to assess the site response using geotechnical, geophysical data and field studies. The subsurface profiles of the study area within 220sq.km area was represented by 170 geotechnical bore logs and 58 shear wave velocity profiles obtained by MASW survey. The data from these geotechnical and geophysical technique have been used to study the site response. These soil properties and synthetic ground motions for each borehole locations are further used to study the local site effects by conducting one-dimensional ground response analysis using the program SHAKE2000. The response and amplification spectrum have been evaluated for each layer of borehole location. The natural period of the soil column, peak spectral acceleration and frequency at peak spectral acceleration of each borehole has been evaluated and presented as maps. Predominant frequency obtained from both methods is compared; the correlation between corrected SPT ‘N’ value and low strain shear modulus has been generated. The noise was recorded at 54 different locations in 220sq.km area of Bangalore city using L4-3D short period sensors (CMG3T) equipped with digital data acquisition system. Predominant frequency obtained from ground response studies and microtremor measurement is comparable. To study the liquefaction hazard in Bangalore, the liquefaction hazard assessment has been carried out using standard penetration test (SPT) data and soil properties. Factor of Safety against liquefaction of soil layer has been evaluated based on the simplified procedure of Seed and Idriss (1971) and subsequent revisions of Seed et al (1983, 1985), Youd et al (2001) and Cetin et al (2004). Cyclic Stress Ratio (CSR) resulting from earthquake loading is calculated by considering moment magnitude of 5.1 and amplified peak ground acceleration. Cyclic Resistant Ratio (CRR) is arrived using the corrected SPT ‘N’ values and soil properties. Factor of safety against liquefaction is calculated using stress ratios and accounting necessary magnitude scaling factor for maximum credible earthquake. A simple spread sheet was developed to carryout the calculation for each bore log. The factor of safety against liquefaction is grouped together for the purpose of classification of Bangalore (220 sq. km) area for a liquefaction hazards. Using 2-D base map of Bangalore city, the liquefaction hazard map was prepared using AutoCAD and Arc GIS packages. The results are grouped as four groups for mapping and presented in the form of 2-dimensional maps. Liquefaction possibilities are also assessed conducting laboratory cyclic triaxial test using undisturbed soil samples collected at few locations.

Doctoral dissertation. / Format: PDF. Bibl.

Proefschrift--Godgeleerdheid--Nijmegen--Katholieke Universiteit, 1990. / NBCLC = National Biblical, Catechetical and Liturgical Centre.

The city of Bangalore in southern India is undergoing rapid urbanisation and administrative transition. Its growth puts pressure on the available water sources – being mainly the disputed inter-State River Cauvery and the hard-rock aquifers – with ensuing problems of access. These aspects affect how rights to and over water are fulfilled and perceived. Competition for drinking water is intensifying worldwide and over a billion people are estimated to lack safe access to it. Urbanisation and other demographic trends, along with globalisation and climate change, are adding to the changing patterns of water scarcity. The role of rights in attaining and improving access to water is undoubtedly great and often referred to in the general water management debate. The notion is analysed here as having three interlinked dimensions: the right to water as a human right; water in terms of property rights; and water rights. Law treats these rights, and thereby water, differently. For instance, groundwater has traditionally been thought of as invisible and unpredictable. Partly for this reason, it is still left largely unregulated in many parts of the world. In India, according to the proverb, ‘the landlord is a water lord’. This has effects on the claim for water as a human right. The dissertation shows that we cannot talk in terms of water and rights until we are aware of how complex rights apply simultaneously, and how they correspond to obligations.