Dopo aver delineato nel primo capitolo i necessari fondamenti teorici della disciplina relativa all’acquisto della sovranità e dunque della personalità giuridica internazionale anche nel caso di entità territoriali non statuali, è presentata una descrizione delle caratteristiche principali dell’amministrazione internazionale della Bosnia Erzegovina (capitolo 2) e del Kosovo (capitolo 3). Per fornire un quadro il più possibile chiaro, si rende anzitutto necessario indagare l’applicabilità della nozione di Stato a ciascuna delle due entità territoriali prese in esame le quali, sebbene sotto profili istituzionali differenti, sono state parte della Federazione delle Repubbliche socialiste iugoslave. Se per la Bosnia Erzegovina prassi e dottrina si sono dimostrate concordi nel riconoscere lo status di Stato indipendente, nel caso del Kosovo tale sintonia di posizioni non è ad oggi riscontrabile a causa del peculiare e incompiuto percorso di acquisizione della personalità giuridica internazionale. / Legal scholars have increasingly considered the phenomenon of international territorial administrations as a governance device which challenges some of the fundamental patterns of international law. Indeed, international territorial administrations have created normative problems by shaping both concepts of State and sovereignty. In several cases international administrators have exercised full legislative and executive authority in the administered territories, placing them in the role of governmental institutions of a State. This is the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo which have been ruled international administrations vested with the power to adopt acts with direct effect on the legal order of those territories. After briefly examining previous experiments in internationalized territories, this thesis applies this category to Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo and describes how sovereignty was dealt with by international actors.

This thesis consists of three empirical chapters that examine issues in development economics. Chapter 1 focuses on the effects of civil wars on the welfare of individuals. I use a unique data set that contains information on war casualties of the 1992-1995 Bosnian War, and exploit the variation in war intensity and birth cohorts of children, to identify the effects of the war on schooling attainment. I find that cohorts affected by war are less likely to complete secondary schooling, if they resided in municipalities that endured higher levels of war intensity. Ancillary evidence suggests that my estimates are most likely picking up immediate, rather than long-term effects. Furthermore, direct mechanisms such as the destruction of infrastructure and the out-migration of teachers do not seem to matter; instead, the ancillary evidence suggests that youth soldiering may be more important. Chapter 2 studies the impact of the partition which ended the Bosnian War on the post-war provision of public goods at the municipality-level. Comparing trends in the provision of public schooling across partitioned and unpartitioned municipalities during the 1986-2006 period, I find that partitioned municipalities provide 58 percent more primary schools and 37 percent more teachers (per capita). I also find evidence which suggests that convergent preferences - operating via ethnic politics - for ethnically oriented schools may be an important driver of the results, although I cannot rule out the possibility of mechanical explanations. In addition, as the increase in public goods provision may be ethnically oriented, only the ethnic majority profits from this arrangement. Chapter 3 provides an estimation of network effects among rural-urban migrants from Nang Rong, Thailand, by using heterogeneous migration responses to regional rainfall shocks among villagers as exogenous variation affecting network size. I find that social networks significantly reduce the duration of job search, and surprisingly, draw new migrants into the agricultural sector. I argue that this is not because agricultural jobs are more attractive than non-agricultural ones, but rather that my estimates are essentially local average treatment effects that are estimated off agricultural workers who are most affected by rainfall shocks.

This thesis tries to provide valuable insight and explain the role of identity perceptions on security as a means to avert conflicts and security threats. The aim is to provide an identity based explanation to security problems. Constructivism and „social identity theory‟ are its theoretical points of departure which help us understand how we construct social identities and have the tendency to be prejudicial towards others. Our prejudices and negative identity perceptions play a major role in security issues. We will use process tracing to find how identity perceptions are constructed and how they affect security. More explicitly we will trace the process of how identities were affected by historical events as well as the ethnocentric interpretation of these historical events. For thorough analysis, Bosnia, Kosovo and Macedonia are chosen as case studies. The findings will hopefully propose better solutions to security problems and built knowledge applicable to other similar security threats.

This thesis consists of three empirical chapters that examine issues in development economics. Chapter 1 focuses on the effects of civil wars on the welfare of individuals. I use a unique data set that contains information on war casualties of the 1992-1995 Bosnian War, and exploit the variation in war intensity and birth cohorts of children, to identify the effects of the war on schooling attainment. I find that cohorts affected by war are less likely to complete secondary schooling, if they resided in municipalities that endured higher levels of war intensity. Ancillary evidence suggests that my estimates are most likely picking up immediate, rather than long-term effects. Furthermore, direct mechanisms such as the destruction of infrastructure and the out-migration of teachers do not seem to matter; instead, the ancillary evidence suggests that youth soldiering may be more important. Chapter 2 studies the impact of the partition which ended the Bosnian War on the post-war provision of public goods at the municipality-level. Comparing trends in the provision of public schooling across partitioned and unpartitioned municipalities during the 1986-2006 period, I find that partitioned municipalities provide 58 percent more primary schools and 37 percent more teachers (per capita). I also find evidence which suggests that convergent preferences - operating via ethnic politics - for ethnically oriented schools may be an important driver of the results, although I cannot rule out the possibility of mechanical explanations. In addition, as the increase in public goods provision may be ethnically oriented, only the ethnic majority profits from this arrangement. Chapter 3 provides an estimation of network effects among rural-urban migrants from Nang Rong, Thailand, by using heterogeneous migration responses to regional rainfall shocks among villagers as exogenous variation affecting network size. I find that social networks significantly reduce the duration of job search, and surprisingly, draw new migrants into the agricultural sector. I argue that this is not because agricultural jobs are more attractive than non-agricultural ones, but rather that my estimates are essentially local average treatment effects that are estimated off agricultural workers who are most affected by rainfall shocks.

This thesis examines the role of the hegemon in the international response to genocide. The study looks specifically at the role of the United States and the post Cold War cases of genocide to determine how the United States encouraged or discouraged a response to genocide. By using the plausibility probe method, this study finds that the role of the hegemon is an important one that should be studied further to understand the impact of the hegemon on the international response to genocide.

This thesis explores the effects of return migration on development through the case of returnees from Sweden to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Based on thirteen in-depth interviews and observation, it examines returnees’ ‘social remittances’, which consist of ideas, practices, and social capital (or social connections) that migrants bring to their countries of origin. The thesis adopts a transnational perspective highlighting returnees’ simultaneous connections in their host and home countries. It identifies various types of social remittance transfers such as ideas and practices in the areas of health, the environment and work, as well as social connections with investors, business partners, and political and academic actors in Sweden. One major finding is that returnees’ knowledge of the Swedish language, the market, work and business culture contribute to building trust with actors in Sweden, which facilitates trade and investment between the countries. The thesis also highlights a number of economic, political and personal constraints faced by returnees in their return process which, in turn, affect their capacity to transfer social remittances. It concludes that returnees can potentially contribute to development, but their contributions are largely conditioned by the existing social, economic, legal and political environment.

This bachelor thesis is the result of a minor field study which took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The purpose of this bachelor thesis is to contribute to the understanding and improvement of Security Sector Reform (SSR), which could be explained as a process of reformation applied in post-conflict scenarios aimed at the military, police and/or judicial sector which might be an element of insecurity, particularly the police, and very particularly in post conflict scenarios where conflict resolution resulted in a divided police force, by using the BiH as a case study. We have used the theoretical framework/process of SSR and more specifically the part of SSR which touches upon police reform. However, SSR entails reformation of the security sector including military-, police- and judicial sectors, as mentioned our focus will be the police sector. This serving as a foundation for the thesis, we asked the following questions; Taking the point of departure in the Dayton Accords and its complex power sharing structure, which are the underlying factors/reasons why the Security Sector Reformation of the police force has been so problematic and why is there such inability to reach an agreement on this issue, especially in terms of structure? In terms of methodology, this is a qualitative study based on semi-structured interviews in combination with previous research. Concluding remarks, progress has been made, however, the reformation of the police is to a large extent dependent on the political will not to do so, not much indicate a change related to this. The status of the BiH police force continues to be de-centralized in terms of structure due to the Dayton Accords which has still serves a fertile ground for the continuation of inefficiency, especially in terms of cooperation, information exchange, administrative issues, war-criminals within the police etc related to the different police forces.

This study analyzes the determinants of return migration from Sweden to Bosnia and Herzegovina, and outmigration to third country during the time period 1994-2003. The study is limited to the refugees who arrived to Sweden 1993-1994. One important aim is also to find out to what extent the propensity of return migration is affected by integration and participation in the Swedish labor market. There is a larger fraction of the refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina who return than migrate to a third country. The results show that a higher education is affecting the return migration decision positively, but not the migration to another country. Since the social protection system in Bosnia and Herzegovina is partially undeveloped, only those with a well paid job or wealthy relatives can afford any mishaps. Highly educated individuals are expected to have these economical prerequisites. Being employed in Sweden or receiving social benefits there, give negative marginal effects on the probability of emigration. Therefore, the position on the Swedish labor market has importance for an emigration decision. Being married or having children decreases the probability of emigration. However, the family status effects are stronger for outmigration to a third country. Further, it is more likely for a family to return than emigrate to a third country. It is also more likely for women to return, while there is a larger fraction of men that migrate to a third country. Summarizing the most important findings, the probability of outmigration is strongly reduced by the level of integration. This is not only an analysis of individual micro data. The political and economic differences between home country and source country are also compared. Pull-factors seem to dominate return migration since Sweden has a more stabilized economic and political situation. However, the refugees must have strong economic prerequisites or wealthy relatives to support them, in order to realize a return migration decision. A large fraction of the refugees who wish to return do not have the possibilities to realize their return intentions. They consider themselves as temporary migrants, but have involuntary become permanent migrants in Sweden.

This thesis is an endeavor to develop a more thorough and nuanced understanding of the relationship between international and local actors in the post-Dayton state-building process in Bosnia. While state-building in Bosnia has received a considerable amount of attention and study, apprehension and depiction of the relationship between the international community and Bosnian governing officials has remained relatively homogeneous. This dominant account of the relationship has been that it is a contentious and oppositional one. To criticize the approach I highlighted two of its problematic aspects. These were the conception of the state, in the abstract, as a highly unified and cohesive entity. And, the depiction of internal and external as isolated and fixed actor-identities. The central argument of this thesis is that the international community and the nationalist parties (representing respectively the external and internal state actors) have become united in a mutually advantageous and mutually-reinforcing process of sharing power, responsibility, and blame. This process has been apparently oppositional but effectively cooperative, so that the outcome of twelve years of state-building has been the continued relevance and effective entrenchment of both the international community and the nationalist parties in the Bosnian state.

The thesis analyzes the effects of post-war reconstruction on Bosnian politics, economy and society by focusing on the privatization process. To this end, the strategies followed by local and international actors are examined critically within the context of the globally dominant neoliberal paradigm. This thesis argues that the privatization process has made the realization of the Dayton vision for Bosnian peace- and state-building difficult by strengthening nationalist-extremist local elites, contributing to the creation of pseudo-feudal structures at the local level, and helping accelerate ethnic homogenization on territorial basis. For the international actors, these have been considered to be acceptable risks as long as privatization of strategic sectors is kept insulated and the non-interrupted implementation of the neoliberal programme is ensured.