<p>The purpose of this study is to investigate if reconciliation between former war-enemies and ethnic groups (Muslims, Croats and Serbs) in Bosnia and Hercegovina is possible today. Reconciliation between these groups is necessary for the development of the state and sustainable peace. In order to fulfil the aim I have applied qualitative conversation interviews together with qualitative literature study.</p><p>In this research I have studied the three largest parties (SDA, HDZ and SDS) in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Conversation interviews were made with two representatives of each party. The reconciliation theory and the recommendations that the theory advocates were used in the study. The recommendations were also used to create interview questions that gave me relevant empirical data from the interviews. The interview data with the high representatives of these political parties led to a valid result.</p><p>The conclusions show that reconciliation between these three ethnic groups in Bosnia and Herzegovina is not possible today. Huge political, economical and social changes and improvements are necessary. All three classes, top-level, middle-range and grassroots, must get involved in the process if reconciliation is to be possible.</p><p>Keywords: Bosnia and Herzegovina, reconciliation, ethnic groups, political parties.</p>

<p>In this paper corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been studied to investigate to what extent corruption inhibits Bosnia and Herzegovina’s possibilities of integrating with EU.</p><p>The overarching research question is how occurrence of various types and forms of corruption affect the possibilities of Bosnia and Herzegovina to fulfill the criteria negotiated by the EU. In order to undertake this exploration the study uses typologies to identify and categorize the various forms of corruption that exist in Bosnia and Herzegovina and theories about the impact of these forms of corruption. After that these forms of corruption are analyzed in relation to their impact on the various political and economic criteria that are set for integration and membership in EU, such as independent justice system and the acceleration of the privatization process.</p><p>The results show that corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a major obstacle to several of the criteria set by the EU and thereby integration with EU. Even though that these priorities are told to be set with realistic goals these priorities will be difficult to fulfill with such widespread corruption as in Bosnia and Herzegovina today.</p>

Thesis (S.T.L.)--Catholic University of America, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 95-98).

This ethnographic work is about the aesthetic, habitual, and sentimental registers of some Bosnian Muslims’ (Bosniaks) daily lives in post-war Sarajevo. It addresses the ages-old themes of Bosnians’ multiple belongings and the question of political subjectivity through lived experience with a particular focus on the contemporary urgency to generate Bosniak national and religious subjectivity. It attends to the affective surplus of mundane scenes that convey the disconcerting drama of conversion to Islam, the nervous accumulation of new Islamic sensibilities, the vibrant ethos of Yugoslavism, the politically vulnerable but habitually engrained identity of Bosniannes, shared memories of the recent war, and the sustenance of the material and sentimental textures of domestic and communal life. Attending to the eventful character of the daily life enables the work to detail and test the existing frames of understanding Bosniaks (such as Nationalization and Islamization) and to further explore the potentialities of lived experience that escape existing regimes of representation. / text

Nearly twenty years after the brutal conflict that occurred in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), ethnosectarian ideology continues to permeate all structures and institutions of Bosnian society, from political and educational institutions to religious and cultural ones; most of all, it is significantly embodied in the everyday life of people in Bosnia. It is these everyday practices that I investigate in order to unravel how ethnicity is (re)produced, performed and experienced through mundane practices of moving through space. Specifically, this dissertation asks: What socio-spatial practices and emotional experiences are involved in the processes of solidifying, as well as dissolving, ethnic identity in BiH? The study is a primarily qualitative investigation of daily life, based on deployment of multiple methods such as participant observation, interviews and a photography project. The site of the study is the town of Mostar in southwestern BiH. It has been formally and informally divided between "Croat/Catholic" west Mostar and "Bosniak/Muslim" east Mostar for over 15 years. The findings point to the ways identity and space emerge as performative effects of practice, as well as how different processes of bordering (between "us" and "them"; between "our" and "their" side) are materialized through different affective intensities.

No description available.

The purpose of this essay is to shed some light upon the children who grew up in Sweden after their parents fled the war in former Yugoslavia. Did the parents spread their own opinions about the other ethnicities which they fought against in the war to the children, even though they live in a new country? And if so, was it an act of patriotism for the country they once lived in and who was to blame for the war? Did the children who grew up in Sweden share the same attitudes as their parents? To find out about this we used interviews with four people, all with heritage from former Yugoslavia, Bosnia and Croatia. What we found out was that the thoughts from the parents partially were passed down to their children, even though the children thought that they had formed their own opinions. In this case the thoughts didn’t relate to any kind of patriotism or who to blame for the war, they rather believed that they shouldn’t blame the other ethnic groups for the war. Instead they moved on with their lives and with the belief to never hate each other.

This thesis examines the unstable nature and dynamic impact of contemporary nationalism on the arduous process of reconstituting a modern multinational state. The basic research question concerns the relationship between nationalism and multinational democracy, or more specifically how nationalist forces may facilitate or impede the intricate process of political transition, democratic transformation and stabilization of the newly formed Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state. The findings indicate that nationalism and exclusive ethno-nationalist politics create serious inter-group security challenges and significantly hinder the process democratization, state-building and political transformation. The main obstacle to a coherent political system is based on the fact that nationalism causes an unconstrained reconfiguration of political space. This is apparent in BiH where exclusive nationalist politics continue to dominate the domestic and inter-national political agenda, thus limiting the capacity for political reforms, security and stability. As nationalism is a grave security threat to multinational states, there is a pressing need to manage nationalism with confidence building mechanisms that strengthen the state’s capacity to ensure enduring security and stability.

This thesis examines the unstable nature and dynamic impact of contemporary nationalism on the arduous process of reconstituting a modern multinational state. The basic research question concerns the relationship between nationalism and multinational democracy, or more specifically how nationalist forces may facilitate or impede the intricate process of political transition, democratic transformation and stabilization of the newly formed Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state. The findings indicate that nationalism and exclusive ethno-nationalist politics create serious inter-group security challenges and significantly hinder the process democratization, state-building and political transformation. The main obstacle to a coherent political system is based on the fact that nationalism causes an unconstrained reconfiguration of political space. This is apparent in BiH where exclusive nationalist politics continue to dominate the domestic and inter-national political agenda, thus limiting the capacity for political reforms, security and stability. As nationalism is a grave security threat to multinational states, there is a pressing need to manage nationalism with confidence building mechanisms that strengthen the state’s capacity to ensure enduring security and stability.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--George Mason University, 2009. / Vita: p. 340. Thesis director: Dennis J.D. Sandole. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Conflict Analysis and Resolution. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Oct. 12, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 327-339). Also issued in print.