Submitted by Irene Nascimento (irene.kessia@ufpe.br) on 2017-03-13T18:53:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Tábata (versão digital).pdf: 643696 bytes, checksum: bb3afee5983f728f408ad9273c4e9edc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-13T18:53:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Tábata (versão digital).pdf: 643696 bytes, checksum: bb3afee5983f728f408ad9273c4e9edc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-26 / O objetivo deste trabalho é compreender nas ações do Coco da Xambá (Bongar e Coco do Miudinho) e do Grupo Cultural Coco de Umbigada a articulação político-cultural de demandas materiais e simbólicas de jovens dessas comunidades. As comunidades pesquisadas foram Portão do Gelo e Guadalupe respectivamente, ambas no município de Olinda - PE. A metodologia deste trabalho fundamentou-se numa abordagem qualitativa. Além disso, a pesquisa apresenta inspiração etnográfica, o que permitiu o acompanhamento de atividades promovidas pelos grupos de coco, bem como a elaboração de relatórios de observação. No que diz respeito ao procedimento de análise das informações, foi utilizada a Análise Crítica do Discurso, a qual tem como preocupação central as relações de poder e o que há de dominação e insurgência nelas. Os resultados apontam que a inserção em grupos de coco possibilita aos jovens geração de renda, a partir do desenvolvimento de habilidades que são funcionais ao mercado de trabalho, permitindo o acesso a ele, mesmo que de forma precária. Do ponto de vista do campo simbólico, a participação desses jovens no coco permite a elaboração de estratégias de superação de discriminações e preconceitos, através da afirmação da identidade, o que mobiliza ações coletivas. / Understanding the political and cultural articulation of young people’s material and symbolic demands in two communities, Coco Xambá (Bongar and Coco Miudinho) and Grupo Cultural Coco de Umbigada, is the aim of this study. The surveyed communities were Portão do Gelo and Guadalupe, both in the city of Olinda - PE. The methodology of this study was based on a qualitative approach with ethnographic inspiration, which enabled the researcher to monitor activities promoted by coco groups, as well as the preparation of observation reports. Regarding to analysis procedure’s information, we used the Critical Discourse Analysis, which has as its central concern power relations and their domination and insurgency. The results show that the inclusion in coco groups provide income generation to the young participants developing skills that are functional to the labor market, allowing their access to it, even if precariously. From the symbolic point of view, the participation of these young people in coco allows them to overcome discrimination and prejudice, through the affirmation of identity, which mobilizes collective action.

This thesis examines marginality as a regime of interconnectedness. Drawing on the ethnographic material from a 16-month-fieldwork between October 2009 and December 2010 on the street economy and streetlife in Arada, the old city centre of Addis Ababa’s inner city, I argue that marginalized subjects are not to be seen as social actors that inhabit and create alternative and parallel social, political and economic realities away from the mainstream society. Rather, the way the urban poor are connected and integrated in the broader political economy of the Ethiopian urban society frames and defines modalities, forms and experiences of marginality. From this perspective, this thesis focuses on the on-going reconfiguration of the street economy in Addis Ababa’s inner city. Since the early 2000s, the increasing concern with poverty reduction and good governance in the development agenda has concurred with the attempts of the ruling party to expand its machinery of political control and mobilization at the grassroots of urban society. In this context, under the impact of development programs promoting the establishment of small-scale enterprises, the street economy has undergone a pervasive process of formalization and politicization that has come to advance the realization of an authoritarian form of developmental state, while imposing a regime of unskilled and badly paid labour on the street. This thesis examines this process by looking at the history of streetlife in Arada, as a terrain of social, economic and political practice, and it recounts the everyday life and life trajectories of those involved in the street economy. In particular, I look at how the political reconfiguration of the street economy has come to intertwine with the way living through marginality and dealing with forms of social inequality on the street have been historically conceptualized and experienced in Addis Ababa’s inner city.

Thesis advisor: Gerald M. Easter / Thesis advisor: Jonathan Laurence / How do authoritarian states attempt to acquire ideological resources vis-à-vis their youth populations? This thesis demonstrates that one way in which these states attempt to do so is by way of an institution I call the authoritarian youth group (AYG). Examples of AYG treated in the paper include the Hitler Jugend in Nazi Germany; the VLKSM or Komsomol in the U.S.S.R.; and Nashi ("Ours") in post-Communist Russia. Primarily on the basis of secondary-source material, I argue that, across cases, governors of authoritarian states create and maintain AYG primarily in order to curry ideological resources among young people. In particular, states use AYG principally in order to legitimate the nation-state by espousing particular national narratives and lionizing the state; to promote among young people a sense of national homogeneity; to propagate particular mores related to gender, family, sex, and sexuality; and to affect the formation of a loyal elite for the state's future. The paper aims to contribute to the comparative-politics subfield by enhancing scholars' knowledge of authoritarian governance, ideological resources in authoritarian contexts, and, most importantly, the relationship between the authoritarian state and young people. / Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2012. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science.

Nearly twenty years after the brutal conflict that occurred in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), ethnosectarian ideology continues to permeate all structures and institutions of Bosnian society, from political and educational institutions to religious and cultural ones; most of all, it is significantly embodied in the everyday life of people in Bosnia. It is these everyday practices that I investigate in order to unravel how ethnicity is (re)produced, performed and experienced through mundane practices of moving through space. Specifically, this dissertation asks: What socio-spatial practices and emotional experiences are involved in the processes of solidifying, as well as dissolving, ethnic identity in BiH? The study is a primarily qualitative investigation of daily life, based on deployment of multiple methods such as participant observation, interviews and a photography project. The site of the study is the town of Mostar in southwestern BiH. It has been formally and informally divided between "Croat/Catholic" west Mostar and "Bosniak/Muslim" east Mostar for over 15 years. The findings point to the ways identity and space emerge as performative effects of practice, as well as how different processes of bordering (between "us" and "them"; between "our" and "their" side) are materialized through different affective intensities.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Duke University, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references.

This thesis is an exploration of student and youth politics in the Northern Transvaal (now Limpopo Province) from the height of apartheid in 1967 through the first decade of the ANC’s rule until 2003. It analyses three major trends over this period: the elite-led protest politics of the Black Consciousness era in the late 1960s and 1970s, the turn to mass-mobilized protest of the 1980s, and the consolidation of student and youth movements around the reconstituted ANC Youth League in 1990. It is primarily concerned with exploring the intersection of education and political protest in Limpopo, and the effect of mobilizing ideologies such as radical Christianity, Africanism, and non-racialism, on student and youth activists. It argues that across decades, organisations, and ideologies, this region has produced generations of influential young political leaders. It provides an institutional history of the University of the North and situates that university in a broader narrative of South African political history: from its contribution to the roots of Black Consciousness in student Christian movements, and the role of local university politics in influencing national protests, to the geography of the university itself as a place of political education (for students and nonstudent youth alike) and as a battleground between students and police. It considers the introduction of violence into student protests, the regional expansion of school and then youth politics beyond the crucible of the university, and the refashioning of social structures (like arbitrating in witchcraft accusations and domestic disputes) in homeland villages by politicized youth. It further contributes new insights into the formation and emergence of the ANC Youth League in the 1990s, and suggests that understanding student organisations and events during the 1970s and 1980s, in particular, sheds light on the shape of South African youth politics today.

Student Number : 9809033F - MA research report - School of Social Sciences and Humanities - Faculty of Humanities / The overriding theme of this research report is ‘youth politics’ in South Africa in the 1980s and early 1990s. The report explores the role played by the Africanist youth organization, the Azanian National Youth Unity (AZANYU), in the struggle for liberation. It further examines its response to the transition period which took place in the country in the early 1990s. The report explores in particular the role played by the AZANYU Tembisa branch in the struggle. It contends that this branch adopted a militaristic approach in its fight for liberation. And this prohibited it from participating in the local politics mounted by the Tembisa residents. Instead it focused on national politics. The report further illustrates how youth politics were introduced and sustained in Tembisa over a period of time from the early 1970s.

This thesis extends our understanding of a ‘puzzle of participation’ (Brody 1978). Across established Western democracies, turnout in elections has been steadily falling - at the same time, society is modernising. Central to this latter phenomenon is educational expansion, a process in which there is increased higher education (HE) enrolment, rising attainment levels, and even wider citizenship education. Under classic civic education hypotheses, such factors are anticipated to increase political literacy, raise electoral interest, and provide encouraging environments for political participation. Hence, the patterns we observe in turnout present as paradoxical. This is especially evident among the very youngest electors, who comprise arguably the most educated generation yet but are also the least likely to vote. The thesis thus poses the question: Why is the comparatively higher level of education enjoyed by young people today not associated with a higher level of voter turnout? My response takes inspiration from Norris’s ‘critical citizens’ (1999, 2011) and combines this with repertoire replacement (Dalton 2008; Norris 2003) and sorting model (Nie et al 1996) theories to develop an argument based on a multiplicity of education effects on turnout. Specifically, I present a thesis which contends that higher levels of education today encourage the emergence of a non-voting disaffected citizenry, characterised by two distinct dimensions. The first, a dissatisfied-disaffection is thought to be present among growing student populations. It is this demographic group which, in response to its members’ HE experiences, is challenging established political processes, becoming more demanding of an active role in politics, and turning to alternative participation activities when opportunities arise. Within this I posit two non-voter types: (a) frustrated electors, committed to voting yet exasperated by the responsiveness of political actors and their policy offers at elections, and (b) engaged activists, pointedly rejecting voting in favour of more direct and ongoing influencing activities. The second dimension reflects alienated-disaffection. Here, individuals who lack HE experience are seeing their status and position decline in line with educational inflation, and, as a consequence, experience limited political network mobilisation, find their confidence for participation falling, and so withdraw from politics altogether. They are marginalised citizens. Meanwhile, a number of young people will continue to vote, receiving encouragement from their social networks and partisan attachments; mobilised voters. This thesis makes its contributions in testing and refining these propositions in the case of the British electorate using data from the British Election Study, British Participation Survey, and the Citizens in Transition Survey. Through a range of statistical techniques (including logistic regression, latent class analysis, and structural equation modelling) I devise new ways of operationalising disaffection, and assess its varied impact on turnout. This thesis progresses to explore typologies of participation repertoires, within which combinations of disaffection attitudes and turnout behaviours exist. It then examines in more detail the educational mechanisms through which these occur.

In the end of the last century the interest for youth politics increased in Sweden. The causes for the increased interest were the more obvious youth politics questions and problems, for example the increased youth unemployment. In 1998 the government wrote down national goals and instructions for the youth politic work in a government bill (1998/99:115). This government bill describes how the youth politic work should be carried at a local level in the municipality. The purpose with this study is to investigate young people, in Värnamo kommun, view of their own situation. The study´s focus lies om three main concept; democracy, justice and faith in the future. To carry through the study, I have used a qualitative method; literature studies and empiricism, in form of interviews with young people and municipal council in Värnamo kommun. In the result of the study you can see that young people in Värnamo kommun quite well are satisfied with ther situation. The young people in the municipality believe in democracy but they really don´t know how to influence in the society. The municipal council tells that politicians are working for better information about how to influence for young people. They are also working to get young people to get more interest in politics. The young people have different background and they are conscious about how that effects their chances in life. The most of the young people have good faith in the future. They are not afraid of the unemployment.

<p>In the end of the last century the interest for youth politics increased in Sweden. The causes for the increased interest were the more obvious youth politics questions and problems, for example the increased youth unemployment. In 1998 the government wrote down national goals and instructions for the youth politic work in a government bill (1998/99:115). This government bill describes how the youth politic work should be carried at a local level in the municipality.</p><p>The purpose with this study is to investigate young people, in Värnamo kommun, view of their own situation. The study´s focus lies om three main concept; democracy, justice and faith in the future. To carry through the study, I have used a qualitative method; literature studies and empiricism, in form of interviews with young people and municipal council in Värnamo kommun.</p><p>In the result of the study you can see that young people in Värnamo kommun quite well are satisfied with ther situation. The young people in the municipality believe in democracy but they really don´t know how to influence in the society. The municipal council tells that politicians are working for better information about how to influence for young people. They are also working to get young people to get more interest in politics. The young people have different background and they are conscious about how that effects their chances in life. The most of the young people have good faith in the future. They are not afraid of the unemployment.</p>