Thesis (M.A.)--Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, 1990. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 106-133).

Thesis (M. Div. with Concentration : Christian Doctrine)--Emmanuel School of Religion, 2005. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 96-106).

Thesis (M. Div. with Concentration : Christian Doctrine)--Emmanuel School of Religion, 2005. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 96-106).

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although the traditional viewpoint of the Ancient Egyptian civilisation is one of isolation and self containment, in fact Egypt and Syro-Palestine had a long history of contact and interaction before the Late Bronze Age, albeit somewhat tenuous and ad hoc. The commencement of the New Kingdom in Egypt heralded a more vigorous period of exchange. This was largely due to the Egyptian policy of increased commercial activity and military campaigns in Syro-Palestine as well as the rising strength of the Asiatic peoples. At the personal level there was always a trend of Asiatics moving into Egypt in search of a better life, which opened the door for the Hyksos rule at the end of the Middle Bronze Age. This foreign rule was an affront on the dignity of the Egyptians. Thus, following numerous military campaigns much of Syro-Palestine was incorporated into the wider Egyptian political entity. In counterpoint to the situation in Egypt, Syro-Palestine was very far from isolated, situated in the open cultural landscape of Syria and Mesopotamia it was the very hub of the Ancient Near East. Inevitably there was considerable interaction, and throughout history, as even today, Syro-Palestine is a crossroads and melting pot of different peoples. At the forefront of any exchange were religious ideas, religious traditions were introduced and foreign gods were spread far and wide. The international nature of the gods seems to have been a characteristic of the Ancient Near East. In this scenario were the Egyptian god Seth and his counterpart the Syro-Palestinian god Baaal, each with a complex story, wherein the iconographical and textual evidence of the gods show much commonality. The association of Seth with Baaal in Egypt is clear, the name of Baaal being written with the Seth-animal determinative, whereas Syro-Palestine has the Mami stele from Ugarit. Major events shook the Ancient Near East ca. 1500-1000 BCE, Egypt reached its apogee and ruled the East; providing the most likely answer regarding the presence and worship of Seth in Syro-Palestine. Certainly Seth was present and worshipped, naturally the massive numbers of Egyptian military and diplomatic personnel required facilities for this practice. Since the earlier Hyksos rulers accepted and worshipped Seth this predicates on a continuum into the period in question. To summarize: Seth equals Baaal and Baaal equals Seth. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel die tradisionele siening van die antieke Egiptiese beskawing een van isolasie en selfonderhouding is, het Egipte en Siro-Palestina in werklikheid ʼn lang geskiedenis van kontak en interaksie voor die Laat Bronstydperk gehad, hoewel ietwat beperk en ad hoc. Die aanvang van die Nuwe Koninkryk in Egipte het ʼn meer dinamiese tydperk van wisselwerking ingelui. Dit was grootliks weens die Egiptiese beleid van toenemende handelsaktiwiteit en militêre veldtogte in Siro-Palestina, asook die opkomende mag van die Asiatiese volke. Op persoonlike vlak was daar altyd ʼn neiging van Asiate om na Egipte te trek op soek na ʼn beter lewe, wat die deur vir die Hiksosheerskappy aan die einde van die Middel-Bronstydperk oopgemaak het. Hierdie vreemdelinge heerskappy was ʼn belediging vir die waardigheid van die Egiptenare. Gevolglik, na afloop van talle militêre veldtogte is die meerderheid van Siro-Palestina in die breër Egiptiese politieke entiteit ingelyf. In teenstelling met die situasie in Egipte was Siro-Palestina alles behalwe geïsoleer. Geleë in die oop kulturele landskap van Sirië en Mesopotamië was dit die ware middelpunt van die Ou Nabye Ooste. Daar was noodwendig aansienlike interaksie, en regdeur die geskiedenis, soos selfs vandag nog, is Siro-Palestina ‟n kruispad en smeltkroes van verskillende volke. Aan die voorpunt van enige wisselwerking was godsdienstige idees, godsdienstige tradisies was ingevoer en uitheemse gode wyd en syd versprei. Die internasionale aard van die gode blyk ʼn kenmerk van die Ou Nabye Ooste te wees. In hierdie scenario was die Egiptiese god Seth en sy Siro-Palestynse eweknie Baäl, elk met ʼn komplekse storie, waarin die ikonografiese en tekstuele bronne van die gode baie ooreenstemming toon. Die verbintenis van Seth met Baäl is duidelik in Egipte, waar Baäl se naam met die Seth-dier as determinatief geskryf is, terwyl Siro-Palestina die Mami-stela van Ugarit het. Groot gebeurtenisse het die Ou Nabye Ooste ca. 1500-1000 v.C. geskud, Egipte het sy hoogtepunt bereik en oor die Ooste geheers, wat die mees waarskynlike antwoord aangaande die teenwoordigheid en aanbidding van Seth in Siro-Palestina verskaf. Seth was ongetwyfeld teenwoordig en aanbid, natuurlik het die enorme getalle Egiptiese militêre en diplomatieke personeel fasiliteite vir hierdie praktyk vereis. Aangesien die vroeëre Hiksosheersers Seth aanvaar en aanbid het, bevestig dit ‟n kontinuum in die periode onder bespreking. Om op te som: Seth is gelyk aan Baäl en Baäl is gelyk aan Seth.

The thesis begins with an overview of views concerning the dating of Isa 24–27 and its place within the genres of apocalyptic and eschatology, before stating its aim as showing how Canaanite myths were used by the author to give future hope rooted in cultic ideals. The second chapter looks at the image of the divine warrior, with particular emphasis on the chaos enemy as the dragon/serpent/sea, and the remarkable similarities between Isa 27:1 and the Ugaritic KTU 1.5.i.1–5. A possible cultic setting of the combat myth is examined, together with the question of why the myth appears here in an eschatological manner. The following chapter discusses the Israelite and Canaanite traditions concerning the holy mountain and divine banquet. Zion motifs are compared with those of Mt. Zaphon, and the nature of cultic feasts considered in Israelite and Canaanite literature, as well as later traditions. Chapter Four argues that the verses concerning death and resurrection represented exile/oppression and restoration, at a time when ideas of resurrection and judgment after death were emerging. The Israelite imagery of Mot/Death and Sheol are examined in relation to the nature of Ugaritic Mot, showing how Canaanite traditions were used to demonstrate Yahweh’s might and the possibility of individual and universal restoration. The following chapter places Israelite religion within the context of Canaanite fertility cults and popular practices. That myth and cult are connected is the basis for the view that the themes in Isa 24–27 were passed down to the post-exilic era via cultic activities and the reuse of myths to promote Yahweh, whether the author was aware that he was using ancient, mythological ideas or not. The sixth chapter gives a short overview of hope in the Hebrew Bible, before demonstrating how the universalism of Isa 24–27 combines with the ancient mythic themes to provide an eschatological hope in an all-encompassing deity. The paper concludes that the author of these chapters deliberately used Canaanite mythology to show how the final victory, rule, and celebration of Yahweh would bring about a personal and moral victory for all nations.

Thesis (DLitt (Ancient Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 1998. / This is an iconographic study of the motifs of the sea, lion, wings, horns and the enthroned in the iconography of Palestine/Israel with reference to the vision of Dan 7:2-14

This dissertation concerns the interpretation of theophanic imagery in the Prophets. In essence, my argument is that the imagery which attends and describes theophany in the poetic books of the Hebrew Bible is mythic and not metaphorical-that it should be interpreted in relation to the Chaoskampf myth, as Yahweh defeats chaos and restores order, rather than being understood as a metaphorical comparison with natural phenomena. In arguing this way, however, I am taking a new approach to theophanic imagery, for such imagery has almost uniformly been understood in Old Testament scholarship as metaphor. Before examining in detail this traditional and more widespread approach to theophanic imagery and the alternative to it which I wish to suggest, however, it will be helpful to state at the outset two foundations upon which my argument rests and the specific texts which will be enlisted to support it.

M.A. / Condemnation (by various biblical writers) of certain practices found among st the Israelites which led ultimately to the Exile have often been viewed from two opposite views. The believer in the Bible simply accepted the condemnation at face value, and without question, whereas the scholar sought to explain it in terms of extra-biblical knowledge of the history of other civilisations which often threw doubt on the accuracy and veracity of the biblical record. This mini-dissertation seeks to show that it is possible to accept the viability of the biblical account in terms of the extra-biblical sources.

No / This study examines resinous deposits from the interior surfaces of sherds of imported Canaanite amphorae and locally produced bowls from the 18th Dynasty site of Tell el-Amarna, Egypt. Archaeological evidence indicates that the Canaanite amphorae were used for resin transport, whilst the bowls are associated with burning resin as incense. A number of characteristic triterpenoids identify all the resinous deposits from both vessel types as Pistacia spp. No other resins were observed and there was no evidence of mixing with oils or fats. The composition of the archaeological resins is more complex than that of modern pistacia resin, due to degradation and generation of new components. Experimental heating alters the relative abundance of the triterpenoid composition of modern pistacia resin. One component, the triterpenoid 28-norolean-17-en-3-one, is produced by such heating; however, an increase in its relative abundance in ancient samples is not matched by the archaeological evidence for heating. It is therefore not possible to use this component reliably to identify heated resin. However, additional unidentified components with a mass spectral base peak at m/z 453 have been associated with seven (out of 10) bowls and are not observed in resins associated with Canaanite amphorae. It is proposed that these components are more reliable molecular indicators of heating.

The Old Testament is the story of Yahweh and His Covenant relationship with His people Israel. Many other Ancient Near Eastern (ANE) peoples are mentioned in the context of their relationship to Israel. This Covenant relationship which began with Abraham had a core component, the gift of land (Gen 12:7), the Promised Land. The Covenant was ratified at Mount Sinai where the terms, the Ten Commandments were given to Israel. Core to the terms was the obligation that Israel would serve no other god but Yahweh and without any representative image. Israel must be a monotheistic people. Only then would they retain the Promised Land. The Promised Land was occupied by the Canaanites. The Canaanites though difficult to identify with precision, were a people whose religious cult was the direct opposite of Yahwism. They worshipped Baal the fertility god. The fertility cult was a belief that there is no absolute being but a universal realm with a womb of fertility. This womb is the source of fertility and the gods are the agents. In the land of Canaan, Baal was the agent of fertility. The wealth and fertility of the land, crops, livestock, and humans was attributed to Baal. Baal was worshiped through the fertility cult which had cult personnel like prophets, and temple prostitutes. The fertility cult had festivals in which sympathetic magic was performed to induce the gods into action. This magic involved cultic sex and wine consumption in honor of Baal. The Canaanites were driven out of the land lest they influence Israel to copy their ways. This would violate the Covenant and Israel would be ejected out of the land because the occupation was based on keeping the Covenant. There were no strict conditions of obedience in Baal worship like in the Covenant. Baal offered them release from „Covenant Obedience‟ to indulge in sensuality while enjoying the blessings. In the end, the Baal fertility cult had such a negative impact on the Covenant that Israel was ejected out of the Promised Land and deported into the Babylonian Exile as seen in the book of Jeremiah / Old Testament and Ancient Near Eastern Studies / D. Th. (Old Testament)