Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 211-222). Also available on the Internet.

楊小輝. / 稿本 (電脑打印本) / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學, 1990. / Gao ben (Dian nao da yin ben) / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-142). / Yang Xiaohui. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1990. / 鳴謝 --- p.I / 論文撮要 --- p.II / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter 一. --- 改革時期中央與地方的關係 --- p.1 / Chapter 1. --- 改革前高度集中的政治体制 --- p.1 / Chapter 2. --- 權力下放 --- p.2 / Chapter 3. --- 中央的控制與間歇性的緊縮 --- p.3 / Chapter 4. --- 地方政府的角色 --- p.3 / Chapter 5. --- 特殊政策下的廣東省 --- p.4 / Chapter 二. --- 研究焦點 --- p.5 / Chapter 三. --- 硏究方法 --- p.5 / Chapter 第二章 --- 省级政府的角色--分析的角度 --- p.7 / Chapter 一. --- 中央的控制能力 --- p.7 / Chapter 1. --- 相去甚遠的評價 --- p.7 / Chapter 2. --- 規範性、獎賞性和強制性的力量 --- p.8 / Chapter 3. --- 行政效率與最後服從 --- p.8 / Chapter 4. --- 低下的行政效率 --- p.10 / Chapter 5. --- 最後控制能力和大一统局面 --- p.11 / Chapter 6. --- 矛盾的現實 --- p.11 / Chapter 二. --- 省级政府的角色 --- p.13 / Chapter 1. --- 中央與地方的矛盾 --- p.14 / Chapter 2. --- 省级政府 --- p.14 / Chapter 3. --- 政治中間人 --- p.15 / Chapter 4. --- 政策範疇的取向性 --- p.16 / Chapter 三. --- 模糊政治時期 --- p.16 / Chapter 1. --- 痛苦的學習 --- p.16 / Chapter 2. --- 政策的模糊 --- p.17 / Chapter 3. --- 政策的搖擺 --- p.19 / Chapter 4. --- 模糊政治的影響 --- p.20 / Chapter 四. --- 省级政府的自主行為 --- p.21 / Chapter 1. --- 兩種研究方向 --- p.21 / Chapter 2. --- 地方自主和自主行為 --- p.22 / Chapter 3. --- 議價行為 --- p.24 / Chapter 4. --- 偏差行為 --- p.25 / Chapter 五. --- 小結 --- p.27 / Chapter 第三章 --- 廣東的特殊政策和靈活措施 --- p.28 / Chapter 一. --- 改革前的廣東 --- p.28 / Chapter 二. --- 特殊政策 --- p.29 / Chapter 1. --- 中央主動放權 --- p.29 / Chapter 2. --- 只給政策不給錢的改革 --- p.30 / Chapter 3. --- 陰晴不定的特殊政策 --- p.30 / Chapter 三. --- 改革帶來的變化 --- p.31 / Chapter 1. --- 寬鬆的政治氣氛 --- p.31 / Chapter 2. --- 高速發展的經濟 --- p.32 / Chapter 3. --- 珠江文化 --- p.33 / Chapter 四. --- 三屆省级領導 --- p.33 / Chapter 1. --- 過渡時期 --- p.34 / Chapter 2. --- 飛躍的發展 --- p.34 / Chapter 3. --- 艱難的行進 --- p.35 / Chapter 五. --- 小結 --- p.37 / Chapter 第四章 --- 政策制定過程中的討價還價 --- p.38 / Chapter 一. --- 改革時期的議價行為 --- p.38 / Chapter 1. --- 高層領導人遊移的立場 --- p.38 / Chapter 2. --- 討價還價的方式 --- p.40 / Chapter 3. --- 討價還價的領域和事件 --- p.42 / Chapter 4. --- 討價還價的策略 --- p.43 / Chapter 5. --- 討價還價的資源與成效 --- p.45 / Chapter 二. --- 個案一：外貿換匯成本之爭 --- p.48 / Chapter 1. --- 外匯包干政策的産生 --- p.49 / Chapter 2. --- 出口換匯成本 --- p.49 / Chapter 3. --- 虧損加劇 --- p.50 / Chapter 4. --- 談判提高換匯成本 --- p.50 / Chapter 三. --- 個案二 ：國發二十五號文件 --- p.51 / Chapter 四. --- 小結 --- p.54 / Chapter 第五章 --- 政治範疇中的偏差行為 --- p.56 / Chapter 一. --- 政治範疇的政策 --- p.56 / Chapter 1. --- 敏感的政治領域 --- p.57 / Chapter 2. --- 政治政策與地方利益 --- p.57 / Chapter 3. --- 鬆緊交錯的政治氣候 --- p.58 / Chapter 4. --- 政治緊縮對廣東的影響 --- p.58 / Chapter 二. --- 個案三：“六四´ح事件前後的政治表現 --- p.59 / Chapter 1. --- 簡單的背景 --- p.60 / Chapter 2. --- 危機中的廣東政府 --- p.61 / Chapter 三. --- 有限的缓衝作用 --- p.69 / Chapter 第六章 --- 經濟範疇中的偏差行為 --- p.73 / Chapter 一. --- 偏差行為的分類 --- p.73 / Chapter 1. --- 地方的土政策 --- p.74 / Chapter 2. --- 先斬後奏 --- p.76 / Chapter 3. --- 鑽政策空子 --- p.76 / Chapter 4. --- 有限度闖紅燈 --- p.77 / Chapter 5. --- 消極執行與鼓勵靈活變通 --- p.78 / Chapter 二. --- 周期性的發展與收縮 --- p.80 / Chapter 三. --- 個案四：調整糧食價格 --- p.81 / Chapter 四. --- 個案五：海南汽車事件 --- p.84 / Chapter 1. --- 事件背景 --- p.84 / Chapter 2. --- 矛盾的政策 --- p.85 / Chapter 3. --- “衝紅燈´ح與預期風險 --- p.87 / Chapter 4. --- 緊縮時的處分 --- p.88 / Chapter 5. --- 廣東省政府的角色 --- p.89 / Chapter 五. --- 中央對偏差行為的催化 --- p.89 / Chapter 六. --- 改革意識 --- p.91 / Chapter 1. --- 地方應有更大的自主權力 --- p.92 / Chapter 2. --- 從遵令而行到不犯法 --- p.92 / Chapter 3. --- 變通的合法性 --- p.93 / Chapter 4. --- 適量的“度´ح --- p.94 / Chapter 5. --- 緊縮中的自主意識 --- p.95 / Chapter 七. --- 小結 --- p.96 / Chapter 第七章 --- 結論 --- p.98 / Chapter 一. --- 從廣東的自主行為看中央與地方的關係 --- p.98 / Chapter 1. --- 地方的自主意識和自主行為 --- p.98 / Chapter 2. --- 決定因素--中央控制的鬆弛 --- p.99 / Chapter 3. --- 地方政府的能動性 --- p.101 / Chapter 二. --- 進一步的研究方向 --- p.103 / 附表 --- p.105 / 注釋 --- p.108 / 主要英文參考書目 --- p.135 / 主要中文參考書目 --- p.139 / 主要參考報章雜誌 --- p.142

First, the fifty years history of the Lake Weishan dispute can be divided into three eras, in which Xieshang, Xietiao, and Weitiao have captured the political keywords in each phase. From 1953 to 1980, xieshang between regional governments had dominated the political process; from 1980 to 1990, xietiao by central government had switched to the prevailing tone, in which three Central Documents had been issued to resolve this dispute; from 1990 to 2003, weitiao has remained as the only rational procedure for resolving this enduring conflict. In fact, one common thread to needle this political trilogy is the governance model based on negotiation and compromise rather than coercion and obedience. / Second, the structural, procedural, and cultural factors are aligned to account for this governance model. In the structural dimension, a semi-corporatism model has characterized the dynamics of central-local relationship. Local government is not only the arms reached at the region from political central, but also the legitimate representative of its jurisdiction. In the procedural dimension, democratic centralism is a practical mechanism rather than an ideological propaganda in Chinese politics. In resolving the divisive conflicts inside the political system, democratic centralism is the central government's operational principle, which can be distinguished into democratic decision process and centralized implement process, thus contributing to the bounded democratic process. In cultural dimension, Chinese politics has a tradition emphasizing fairness, compromises and negotiation. / Third, the Chinese body politic has never been a garment without seams nor needles. Inside our gigantic political system, there are a great deal of divisions even conflicts among the joint place between tiao and kuai. Borrowing from the well-known metaphor proposed by Vivienne Shue, in the Lake Weishan case as the dispute inside the honeycomb, there are not only opportunities towards the regime transition, but the divisive logic of this system. In this sense, to strengthen the central government's integrating capacity is vital for the future state building. / This case study on Lake Weishan dispute is theoretically intermingled in the matrix of Chinese political studies. In some sense, the governance of Lake Weishan has revealed the Chinese State anatomy whether in the tiao sense or in the kuai sense. Through this case study, three research questions have been attended: first, in what process have the central government employed to resolve this political dispute; second, what factors can explain the choice of the above political mechanisms; third, in what sense could this case enrich our understanding of the Chinese body politic. / Totalitarianism and authoritarianism have long been the prevailing paradigms in the Chinese political studies. This kind of structural analysis, however, can never do justice to the overall dynamics of the central-local relationship and the diversified political process in PRC. Through a case study focused on the inter-provincial dispute for Lake Weishan, this research has two main goals, one is to memorize this half century historical story, and the other is to analyze the underlying political process and its operational mechanisms. / 田雷. / Adviser: Shaoguang Wang. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-06, Section: A, page: 2234. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 453-465). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Tian Lei.

published_or_final_version / China Area Studies / Master / Master of Arts

published_or_final_version / Politics and Public Administration / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

This study focussed on the transformation of the institutions of local government from deconcentration, delegation to devolution. This transformation can be looked at starting with the institutions inherited from the colonial era, which started after the Berlin Conference of 1884, which divided Africa among the western powers. Then the transformation, which took place immediately after independence / that is the period of 1960s, the changes made in the 1980s and finally the transformation taking place following the multiparty democracy in the 1990s. The study looked at decentralisation during the colonial period / decentralisation after independence, with a particular focus on the institutions under a single party system / transformation of local government under multiparty system. It also examined the challenges facing decentralisation in the SADC region.

This dissertation offers a new account of New York City's politics and government in the 1930s and 1940s. Focusing on the development of the functions and capacities of the municipal state, it examines three sets of interrelated political changes: the triumph of "municipal reform" over the institutions and practices of the Tammany Hall political machine and its outer-borough counterparts; the incorporation of hundreds of thousands of new voters into the electorate and into urban political life more broadly; and the development of an ambitious and capacious public sector--what Joshua Freeman has recently described as a "social democratic polity." It places these developments within the context of the national New Deal, showing how national officials, responding to the limitations of the American central state, utilized the planning and operational capacities of local governments to meet their own imperatives; and how national initiatives fed back into subnational politics, redrawing the bounds of what was possible in local government as well as altering the strength and orientation of local political organizations. The dissertation thus seeks not only to provide a more robust account of this crucial passage in the political history of America's largest city, but also to shed new light on the history of the national New Deal--in particular, its relation to the urban social reform movements of the Progressive Era, the long-term effects of short-lived programs such as work relief and price control, and the roles of federalism and localism in New Deal statecraft.

Discretion is commonly analyzed as the scope for choice set by formal superiors. This study aims at developing an alternative theory of discretion which also takes into account the assumptions of the actors in implementing positions. The theory is constructed with the purpose of being an empirical tool for analyzing discretion on a nation-wide basis and in a central-local government context. It concerns two main questions: to what extent does discretion vary and how can this variation be explained? The theory section concludes with a number of empirically testable hypotheses. The concept of discretion is defined as the scope for choice available to actors, in formally subordinate positions, vis-à-vis their superiors. It is seen as a special case of autonomy, as it is attributed to subordinates and primarily concerns one dimension of autonomy, namely freedom of action. In the second half of the study, the theory is applied empirically to the discretion available to Swedish local government Education Committees. A questionnaire study of all Education Committee Chairpersons and Chief Education Officers and in-depth interviews of a selected sample of these have been undertaken. The empirical study clearly indicates that there is variation in discretion. In spite of the uniformity of the system of governing local education, it is found that the limits for discretion are set differently by different Education Committee representatives. The variation follows a pattern which has been, at least partly, reconstructed. Variables which appear as important in explaining variation include: the extent to which the control system is regarded as efficient; the size and population density of the local authority; and individual traits such as length of experience and gender. However, our analysis also shows that these explanations are more valid in certain contexts than in others, which points the way for further research. / digitalisering@umu

The subject of fiscal federalism has been associated for many years with economics, in particular with the study of public finance. However, its political dimension is often neglected. This is the case in the conventional study of fiscal federalism in Malaysia, which focuses on the economic perspective. The aim of this thesis is to examine the design, implementation and problem of fiscal federalism in Malaysia as a political process in promoting national integration and the unity of the federation. This research is based on an intrinsic case study approach as the subject of fiscal federalism attracts strong public interest, which requires an in-depth study of the case. In doing this research, a combination of narrative report, statistical analysis and interview has been used. One of the significant findings of this research is that the design of fiscal federalism in Malaysia is essentially based not on the federal spirit, but on the strong central government theme imposed by the colonial authority concomitant to the historical and political background to the formation of the federation. As a result, today, fiscal federalism displays a federal bias and mounting centripetal forces, even to the extent of coercion on the states, making the federal government grow bigger and more dominant, financially and politically. Thus, the working of fiscal federalism depends not on what is enshrined in the Constitution and federal spirit but on centre-state political interactions. If states' politics are not affiliated with the ruling political party that control the federal government, federal-state fiscal relations will be strained. The effects are felt in petroleum royalties payments, disbursement of grants, borrowing and other form of fiscal 'sanction' imposed by federal executive supremacy. On the other hand, if the states are ruled by the same political party, they become financially complacent. To all intents and purposes, the exclusive control of revenue sources by the centre has enabled the federal government to prevent most states from falling to the opposition party, thus ensuring a majority in parliament. The outcome is that the states are subordinated and subservient to the centre and hence the futures of the states are subject to the federal government's 'unilateral action'. In the long run, Malaysia is moving towards becoming a unitary state. This is the antithesis of the federal spirit, and thus becomes a threat to the federation. Therefore, fiscal federalism is a crucial acid test of the viability of any federation. Fortunately, thus far, Malaysian federalism had passed the test, though the states find more pain than gain. In the final analysis, this thesis suggests that structural reform of the federal-states' financial arrangements should be undertaken in order to strengthen the states' finances and subsequently reduce the states' dependence on the largesse of the federal government for funds.

This study focussed on the transformation of the institutions of local government from deconcentration, delegation to devolution. This transformation can be looked at starting with the institutions inherited from the colonial era, which started after the Berlin Conference of 1884, which divided Africa among the western powers. Then the transformation, which took place immediately after independence / that is the period of 1960s, the changes made in the 1980s and finally the transformation taking place following the multiparty democracy in the 1990s. The study looked at decentralisation during the colonial period / decentralisation after independence, with a particular focus on the institutions under a single party system / transformation of local government under multiparty system. It also examined the challenges facing decentralisation in the SADC region.