This thesis consists of a semiotic and socio-­‐political exploration of Québécois bande dessinée (BDQ) and Quebec Nationalism since 1970. It uses BDQ as a lens through which to analyse key moments in the history of Quebec’s Nationalist Movement. This thesis is based on a close textual reading of more than eighty editorial cartoons as well as textual analysis of thirteen longer form comics and bandes dessinées. It consists of detailed engagement with published and primary materials on BDQ and comic scholarship as well as documentary sources. It is concerned with the potentials of form and also the Québécois quest for voice and identity as it is manifested via text and image. This thesis argues that from their earliest origins the comics or bandes dessinées produced in Quebec have been closely linked to the political development of the province. As writers and creators sought to create a new voice for Quebec via bandes dessinées, following the so-­‐called ‘Springtime of Québécois Bande Dessinée’ in the 1970s, they looked to the contemporary political situation in the province for inspiration. Creators like Guilemay, Dave Rosen and Michel Rabagliati created versions of the key political figures from Quebec for their bandes dessinées while the major Francophone and Anglophone cartoonists of the province, Serge Chapleau and Aislin, provided their own versions of these figures. This thesis is anchored around the 1980 and 1995 referendums on Québécois sovereignty, two pivotal moments for Quebec political history that proved to be the source of much inspiration for contemporary creators of BDQ. Part One of this thesis situates the referendums historically within the context of Quebec’s political history. The thesis argues for the consideration of these referendums as crucial moments in this history and introduces the key political figures representing each side of each referendum debate. In Part Two the thesis is focused on the1980 referendum and addresses depictions of Pierre Elliott Trudeau and Rene Lévesque in Francophone and Anglophone editorial cartoons and bandes dessinées. In Part Three the thesis is focused on the 1995 referendum and text/image depictions of Jacques Parizeau, Lucien Bouchard, Mario Dumont, and Daniel Johnson. In Part Four the thesis draws together common themes, ideas and stylistic features from the images previously discussed and argues that these text and image representations of the leaders demonstrate distinct differences between the response to the1980 and 1995 referendums. It addresses the implications of the way in which BDQ produced for different markets, such as editorial cartoons, satirical magazines or autobiographical BD, approach political depictions in a different way. The thesis also argues that these differences reflect a shift in BDQ itself, a shift away from the political. The bandes dessinées of Quebec have not heretofore been subject to the same level of academic discourse as many other examples of Francophone BD. There exist a few histories in French of BDQ but because they are predominantly historical accounts they are what Thierry Groensteen terms “an egalitarian chronicle” where no comment is made on the relative quality of the works being discussed. This thesis seeks to widen discussion of this often-neglected incarnation of the BD form.

La métaréflexion porte sur la phase la plus obscure de la construction d'une œuvre : la période d'antériorité du faire. Loin en amont de cette étape de concrétisation, le créateur est assailli par un foisonnement intérieur : flux et émergences se succèdent, s'oblitèrent ou se contrecarrent. La fulgurance de l'image-utopie amorce ce parcours intime. Forte et prégnante, elle impulse le désir de créer. Comme une gangue, elle contient, encore crypté, tout le devenir de l'œuvre. L'image-utopie loge dans le préconscient, en zone protolangagière, et résiste aux conditions de la discursivité. Voilée, mais ponctuée de survenues conscientes, la protostructure de l'œuvre à venir y incube. Au fil de voyagements intérieurs immobiles, l'artiste s'imprègne de cette latence. Aucun observateur extérieur n'a accès à ce moment inaugural de l'expérience de création. Par mûrissement, l'image-utopie se transforme en intention de création. Une fois énoncée, elle marque le seuil de la phase programmatique du faire. Ce segment du parcours de création est notoirement imbriqué dans la morphogénèse de la subjectivation. L'artiste parfait son identité en établissant dans son œuvre des mises en relation inédites. De ce travail de création émane une connaissance intuitive directe, originelle, un savoir issu de l'expérience qui cadre avec l'épistémologie constructiviste. Praticienne, je m'ouvre sur ce vécu impénétrable. Ma réflexion, autodirigée, sous-tend mon effort de conceptualisation. L'œuvre [Archipels], matériau-témoin, est née au fil de résidences en immersion au Mexique. Cette expérience interculturelle et interdisciplinaire a singularisé ma démarche de création. Malgré la persistance de mes interrogations, malgré l'incertitude, je compose avec l'indéfinition et l'inexpliqué qui marquent ma relation au monde. En construisant et en partageant sa vision unique, l'artiste rallie l'humanisme inclusif de la philosophie de la complexité. Cette pensée globalisante accorde toute sa valeur au savoir expérientiel et l'associe dument au renouvèlement, à l'élargissement et à la réunification de la connaissance. / This metareflection addresses the most obscure stage of creating a work of art: what comes before doing. Long before the creation stage, creators are besieged with an inner profusion-a succession of flows and elements all emerging, clashing into and obliterating one another. This very personal journey is begun by a powerful, meaningful utopian image that impels the desire to create. Like veinstone, this image harbours the entire future work, in scrambled form. The utopian image resides in the preconscious mind, in the protolanguage zone, and resists discursivity. This is where the work's protostructure incubates, veiled, yet sparking moments of conscious insight. In the course of inner journeys, the artist is steeped in this latency. No outside observer can access this inaugurating moment of the creation experience. As it matures, the utopian image morphs into an intention to create. Once articulated, it has crossed into the programmatic stage of doing. This stretch of the creation journey is unquestionably enmeshed with the morphogenesis of subjectivization. The artist crafts an identity by creating novel relationships in their work. In turn, this creation produces a direct, original, experience-based, intuitive knowledge that connects with constructivist epistemology. As a practitioner, I open myself to this inscrutable experience. My self-directed reflection is the springboard for my conceptualization process. My work of art [Archipels], a material witness of this process, is the result of my immersion residency in Mexico. This intercultural and interdisciplinary experience gave my creation process its unique form. In spite of persistent questioning and uncertainty, I contend with the lack of definition and explanation characterizing my relationship to the world. By building and sharing a unique vision, artists mobilize the inclusive humanism of the philosophy of complexity. This global thinking recognizes the value of experiential knowing and rightfully associates it with the renewal, expansion and reunification of knowledge.

Le contexte de la Confédération canadienne constitue une fenêtre remarquable afin d’observer l’évolution du nationalisme au Québec à travers le XIXe siècle. C’est dans ce contexte que s’articule la pensée politique de Joseph-Adolphe Chapleau. Influencé par les idées de Louis-Hippolyte LaFontaine et de George-Étienne Cartier, le jeune politicien est séduit par l’idée d’une nouvelle nation politique réunissant les deux peuples fondateurs formant alors le Canada. La pensée nationaliste de Chapleau se caractérise alors par un double idéal, soit celui de défendre les intérêts des Canadiens français tout en préservant l’unité de la Confédération canadienne. Au moment de la Grande Dépression de 1873, le politicien parvient à adapter sa pensée en regard du contexte économique difficile et domine ses adversaires, particulièrement les Castors : ce groupe de Conservateurs ultramontains dissidents des politiques de Chapleau. Ces derniers l’accusent de s’être allié aux Libéraux. Une fois sur la scène fédérale, Chapleau espère réaffirmer l’alliance entre les deux principales nations au Canada, mais se retrouve confronté à l’Affaire Riel qui ébranle le pays en entier. À partir de ce moment, la pensée politique de l’homme ne se retrouve plus en phase avec le contexte dans lequel il se trouve, ce qui motive ses nombreuses défaites personnelles dans les années qui suivent. La réalisation de son projet politique s’avère ainsi inachevée à la fin de sa vie. / The context of the Canadian Confederation is a remarkable window to observe the evolution of nationalism in Quebec through the XIXth century. It is in this context that the political thought of Joseph-Adolphe Chapleau is articulated. Influenced by the ideas of Louis-Hippolyte LaFontaine and George-Étienne Cartier, the young politician is seduced by the idea of a new political nation bringing together the two founding peoples of Canada. Chapleau's nationalist thought was characterized by a dual ideal: to defend the interests of French Canadians while preserving the unity of Canadian Confederation. At the time of the Great Depression of 1873, the politician manages to adapt his thinking to the difficult economic context and triumphs over his opponents, particularly the Castors, this group of ultramontane Conservatives dissidents of Chapleau's policies that they accuse of being allied to the Liberals. Once on the federal scene, Chapleau hopes to reaffirm the alliance between the two major nations in Canada, but finds himself confronted with the Riel Affair, which is shaking the whole country. From that moment, the political thought of the man is no longer in sync with the context in which he finds himself, which explains his many personal defeats in the years that follow. The realization of his political project is thus unfinished at the end of his life.