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For a period about two hundred and thirty years before 479 BC. Jing holds supreme power over all neighbouring hostile countries and protected emperor Zhou. Only until Han¡MZhao¡MWei started civil strife and Jing was torn apart, then did Zhou's empire fall. The article below is to discuss how Jing came to power with the setup of Zhong Jun Shuai¡Aand several political and civil issues raised during that period of time.

Thesis (Ph. D., Education)--University of Idaho, August 2007. / Major professor: Karen Guilfoyle. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 91-98). Also available online (PDF file) by subscription or by purchasing the individual file.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California at Berkeley, 1994. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 714-746).

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Liu Ch'i, a belletrist of the Chin dynasty (1115-1234), recorded an eyewitness account of the fall of the Chin in his memoir, the Kuei-ch'ien-chih (The Record of One Returned to Obscurity). He was motivated by an inner logic which thematically argues that: The disintegration of effective Chin administration was a direct result of the deterioration of Chin literary standards, symptomatic of a more basic degeneration of the traditional Confucian high culture. The collapse of the Chin climaxed approximately three hundred years of rise and fall (c. 900-1234). As Jurchen tribal organization became inadequate, they imitated the Ch'i-tan model of a dualistic tribal-agrarian society and tended to adopt Chinese institutions. Dynamic decline seemed in direct proportion to the decline in Jurchen institutions. However, Liu Ch'i observed this decline and its climax in the fall of the Chin capital, K'aifeng, and thought that the Chin failed for not fully adopting Chinese ones. His memoir, Kuei-ch'ien-chih, was transmitted from its writing in 1235 to the present edition, the Chung-hua shu-chu Yuan-Ming shi-k'o pi-cho ts'ung-k'an, collated by Ts'ui Wen-yin (second edition 1983). Liu Ch'i illustrates his themes with Chin pesonalities portraying the union of ability-aspiration-achievement to mean the highest combination of traditional Confucian values. He quickly attentuates this theme in the succeeding chuan to show possible variations of failure in a descending taxonomy. In his seventh chuan, Liu Ch'i argues that since the Chin dynasty limited their literary focus of the civil service examinations solely upon the lyric, the prose-poem, and the commentary on the classics, the source of potential leadership, the chin-shih, became intellectually effete leasing to a degeneration in political dynamics. Liu Ch'i's personal rationalization was one of confident expectation despite an involvement in drafting a testimonial to Ts'ui Li, who had betrayed K'aifeng to the Mongols. He felt that time and circumstance were cyclical in nature and that he had fulfilled his destiny and his duty. Liu Ch'i's memoir warrants a closer examination in its entirety to appreciate its inner, thematic logic and a translation of the preface and first three chapters is presented as a preliminary to the full translation.

The birth, flourishing, and decline of Yuan tsa-chu, a form of Chinese musical poetic drama, occurred in the Mongol dynasty of Yuan (1206-1367). Many factors contributed to this phenomenon, not the least of which was the creative genius of the scholar-playwrights, natives of North China and active during the early years of that dynasty. Among the great masters of Yuan drama who contributed to the perfection of this new literary form is Ma Chih-yuan (1250-1322?). His contributions went beyond merely the pioneering of form. He also expanded its thematic scope and exerted a profound influence on later dramatists and poets who cultivated the dramatic and san-ch'u (non-dramatic lyrics) verse types. Unlike the great poets of previous dynasties who were respected and studied, the playwrights of Yuan times were largely ignored by native literary historians until this century because of the traditional contempt for such "frivolous" skills as the writing of plays. We therefore know very little about their personal or creative lives. Fortunately, in the case of Ma Chih-yuan, over one hundred san-ch'u and seven of his plays have survived. Chapter I contains a chronology of his life based on the scanty data available. Some of his non-dramatic songs are also translated and interpreted to provide additional insight into his sentiments, ambitions, and general philosophical outlook. The main body of my dissertation examines and evaluates the extant plays, concentrating on the poetic passages which represent the essence of Yuan drama. Plot, plot origins, and the themes of each play are also explored to supplement the discussions of the language. In Chapter II, Ma's most critically acclaimed work, The Autumnal Palace of Han, is examined in detail. In Chapter III, I discuss Tears on the Blue Gown, the only surviving play which has a female protagonist. In Chapter IV, the similarities and dissimilarities of the three Taoist conversion plays--The Yellow Millet Dream, The Yueh-yang Tower, and Jen Feng Tzu--and their relationship to the Ch'uan-chen sect of Taoism are explored. Chapter V deals with Lightning Smashes the Tablet of Chien-fu, a play about the misfortunes of a scholar and his complaints against an unsympathetic government. In the last chapter, the structurally flawed play Ch'en T'uan Stays Aloof, depicting the life of a Taoist recluse, is examined.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, July, 1989. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (p. [352]-378).

立志，是儒家教人成長及轉化的「霹靂手段」，也是儒家形塑健動人格的根本原理。儒門修養技巧粲然多元，但立志的扼要及深遠，恐怕會讓各種修養都只能瞠乎其後。「立志」在儒家就是「悠悠萬事，唯此為大」的一件事。及至宋明以降，眾位儒林名宿更一再懇請立志，於是遂在文學的「言志」傳統之外，別開一支「教」與「學」的「立志」傳統。 本論文研究緣起，即留意那些飽覽經籍又盡閱世情的大儒，何以竟會一致地高度關注「立志」？「立志」不是人人「能說會道」的「常識」嗎？這種「常識」，為什麼要大張旗鼓去疾呼呢？ 進而，儒家「立志」的觀念，有特定的規創性內涵──為己。「為己」要求自我生命的轉化及善成。人能養成強烈的「為己意識」，才能收回以往長年外逐名利的虛偽及疲憊，學著與自己相處及自重自愛。從外逐而轉內，人才能「轉俗成真」，有「真人」才有「真志」及「真學」。故「為己」正是儒家「大學之道」的基石。 本論文正是剖釋「立志」與「為己」這兩個儒家教學的核心要義。 緒論檢討前行成果餘留的研究空間，並指出由於「立志」一詞的濫用，讓傳統「立志」所蘊含的深沈與厚重之義，轉趨浮薄。同時，本論文的研究策略，並非幽深地精究一家一派，而是為求研究成果更普遍有效，將以《論語》、《孟子》為主要材料，再揀選宋明大儒提及相關內容的文獻予以研討。 第一章是〈評定《論語》：「古之學者為己，今之學者為人」的三派詮釋〉。自古對於「古之學者為己，今之學者為人」的詮釋，大致有「貴古派」、「今是派」與「調和派」等異說。文中即往復辯難三派何者最諦當。主要結果確定「貴古派」的論調，能獲得《論語》最多的印證與支持，更指出「為己」的具體要求，即「自知」與「自愛」。 第二章是〈「為己之學」隱含的「孤獨」意涵〉。以往多認定儒者處於熱絡的人際網路；但是，深入文獻，能照見儒者亦有孤獨心理。那孤獨感對儒者在「人格」及「學」的養成，又有什麼影響？主要結果是，孤獨感對「為己意識」養成有所助益，甚至實踐「為己之學」，本身常要面對踽踽獨往的情況；而孔子本人提出「為己」，正與他「吾少也賤」的孤獨感大有相干。 第三章是〈「志」的內涵及其作用〉。由於「志」字本身就有「目的」和「希望」的涵義。因此本章藉助William Damon的「目的感」理論及Charles R. Snyder的「希望理論」來作為理解儒家「志」字的新資源。再則，傳統釋「志」字為「心之所之」，文中將以「信念」對「情緒」、「行動」的決定關係，去釐清「志」的「所之」動力如何生起。並歸納先儒對「志」的實踐體驗，獲知立志將生起四個踐德大用：解放抑制、動力騰湧、不動不奪、遏制習欲。當立志而生起這四種效用，使人在踐德上「欲罷不能」，人遂能善勇進取，所以「立志」是生命轉化的有力保證。人惟患不能立志，不患不能成章自立。 〈結論〉則總述全文，並本於前面的研究，將傳統解釋成「心之所之」的「志」，重新概念化成為「為己的信念系統」。更指出儒家「立志」的課題，不僅只涉及個人的生命目的追尋而已；事實上，協助青年立志這件事，本身與今日社會發展的衰盛相關，而且立志的研討，更有潛力能對尼特族、青年晚熟等社會憂患，給出預防及紓困之道，而這是儒學在當代能發揮人性溫度和可貴價值的切實脈絡。