The development of early Hong Kong calligraphy is the result of the transfer of traditions from the Mainland at a time when the colony was under relative stable British rule whereas China was suffering from prolonged political turmoil. It is marked by a rather conservative character that does not emphasize artistic innovation. The literary men of the 1920s and 1930s did not strive for new styles, let alone the yilao. On a deeper level, early Hong Kong calligraphy is noted not just for its artistic achievements but also its cultural significance since the calligraphers' defense of their national culture can largely be regarded as a reaction to the severe challenges faced by their country. / The development of Hong Kong calligraphy in the first half of the 20 th century can be traced back to the time when the traditions of calligraphy were brought in by the yilao, or ex-officials from the Qing, and other literary men who migrated to the colony. To put the discussion in its proper perspective, the thirty-year development of Hong Kong calligraphy since 1911 is preceded by a brief survey of the activities of the literary circles led by Wang Tao and Pan Feisheng during late 19th and early 20th century. The main body is then divided into three sections. The first is the cultural activities of the yilao, such as literary gatherings, promotion of Chinese classics and poetry, and their calligraphy. The second is the calligraphy and activities of literary men other than the yilao as represented by three organizations, namely the Hong Kong Branch of Chinese Painting Research Society, Hong Kong Society of Calligraphy, Painting and Literature, and Association of Promoting Chinese Culture. These individuals and organizations made up the art circles in general of the 1920s and 1930s where calligraphy thrived along with painting and literature, and gave rise to a great variety of styles. The third focuses on how calligraphy, traditionally an elitist art, gradually became popular as reflected in numerous gatherings, exhibitions, education and the art market as Hong Kong calligraphy adapted itself to the modern society. Interrelated, these three aspects and hence the history of early Hong Kong calligraphy are impacted by factors such as demographic changes, geographical proximity, the tradition of stele and model-calligraphy, and the preservation of cultural heritage. / This thesis discusses the calligraphy of Hong Kong from 1911 to 1941 in a historical and cultural context, and examines the activities and artistic styles of major calligraphers and members of important art organizations so as to understand the development and cultural significance of early Hong Kong calligraphy. / 陳雅飛. / Adviser: Mok Kar Harold Leung. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-06, Section: A, page: 1813. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 285-326). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Chen Yafei.

李秀華. / 論文(博士)--香港中文大學藝術學部, 1998. / 附參考文獻. / 中英文摘要. / Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Li Xiuhua. / Lun wen (Bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue yi shu xue bu, 1998. / Fu can kao wen xian. / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.

張惠儀. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2002. / 參考文獻 (p. 235-257). / 中英文摘要. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Zhang Huiyi. / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2002. / Can kao wen xian (p. 235-257).

Translating and reading western modernist literature played a vital role in forging contemporary Chinese literature and China’s mode of subjectivity, but little has been written about them, and even less about the interconnections between them. My PhD thesis aims to offer a comprehensive interpretation of the phenomenon of translating and reading modernist literature in Mao’s China, focusing particularly on translators’ and readers’ agency, and their collective construction of a multifaceted discourse of subjectivity. The central questions I try to answer in my thesis are: For what “practical” purposes or needs did the Chinese Communist Party order the translation and publication of these modernist texts which are clearly against the ideology of Mao’s China? What mark did translators from state controlled institutions leave in the intellectual history of China? Why did western modernist literature of 1950s cause such a strong response from the intellectual youth in the 1970s? In Mao’s China, there were a number of modernist literature texts that were translated and published. They were only intended to be available for a very limited readership consisting of high ranking party officials, but ended up being leaked, and eventually became extremely popular in the underground reading movement. I decided to focus on the three most widely read texts, which are On the Road (first translated into Chinese in 1962), Catcher in the Rye (first translated into Chinese in 1963), and Waiting for Godot (first translated into Chinese in 1965). By mapping the translation process and the underground reading of these texts into the context of the politics of China from the early 1960s to the late 1970s, my study provides three arguments which attempt to answer the three questions raised above: 1) Mao’s China encountered similar modernity situations so that western modernist literature after World War II was translated for internal circulation and criticism; 2) Thanks to the subjectivity of translators from state controlled institutions, their translations paved the way for the rising of the self, the end of revolution, and the individualization of Chinese society; 3) As early as in the 1960s to 1970s, the conscious reading of modernist literature brought alternative understandings of self and ways of being, and the sent-down Chinese youth have new self-projection by reading these texts. Few researchers have studied translation beyond analysis of target language text (TLT), while my methodological innovation is to connect three traditionally isolated subjects into a single continuing process of meaning giving activity: the source text and their role in forging western subjectivity; translators and their translations in Mao’s context; and Chinese underground reading of western literature from late 1960s to 1970s. This is a comparative and theoretical study of the three chosen texts in their historical contexts in order to reconsider the cultural significance of translating and reading modernist literature in Mao’s China. I hope it will modify our view of translation and reading history in Mao’s China, contributing to theories of subjectivity and the plurality of Chinese modernity discourse. / published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

洪娟. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2004. / 附參考文獻 (p. i-xii). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Abstracts also in English. / Hong Juan. / Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2004. / Fu can kao wen xian (p. i-xii).

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Master / Master of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Master / Master of Philosophy

The thesis is divided into three parts. Part One is headed by a fairly broad historiographic review into past works on the Chinese in Australia. This is followed by a brief introduction to the historical and cultural background of the immigrants and the character of their migration. An examination of the passive and proudly in different responses of the Chinese to Victorian anti-Chinese legislation concludes this section. The stress of this final chapter is on the overall lack of influence of the White Australian Policy on the behaviour of the Chinese. Part Two examines the sojourning sentiments of the Chinese and how they affected the sex and age distribution of the population, their choice and method of work, their accommodation and quality of life. Part Three begins by contrasting the impact of science and technology on Australia and China and the focus will be on China’s peripheral position in the industrial world. The insecurity of the Chinese in the industrialising environment of Australia will be considered. This will be contrasted by the more accommodating cultural milieu of Southeast Asia and the important thread of Chinese culture and traditions throughout the region’s history. The importance of the ‘modified’ or ‘mixed’ version of the family business in assisting the rise of the Chinese in the Southeast Asian region will be discussed. The final part of the thesis will suggest that the decline of the Victorian Chinese in the four occupations of alluvial mining, furniture-making, market-gardening and laundering was significantly affected by an inflexible attitude to technology. It is argued that the Chinese did not apply science and advanced equipment when it was prudent to do so. The conclusion will summarise the main argument and suggest its relevance for the modern overseas Chinese communities.

西周金文中稱呼為「師某」（「師某父」）的一類人，以前往往認為「師」是其官職。張亞初、劉雨的《西周金文官制考》一書將這些人與大師等放在一起，列為「師官類官」。前人在談及這一類人的時候，往往結合單篇的銘文對他們的身份進行確認，因此出現了「師」是「師氏」的簡稱或者「大師」的簡稱等看法。這些觀點由於取材範圍過窄，或者由於有結論先行的弊病，故而有失偏頗。西周金文中這些稱作「師某」的人是一類較為特殊的人群，他們的官職各不相同，許多人確實是武官，且有帶兵打仗的記錄，但也有一些人的職責與軍事無關或者不直接相關。西周時期的官制系統已較為成熟，不應出現一種官職名稱對應多種差別巨大的職責範疇的現象，因此「師某」的稱呼並非以官職冠於私名之上。職責差別之外，「師」的社會地位有高下的不同，並且上司和下屬、子輩和父輩祖輩可以同時稱為「師」，前者說明「師」不是一種尊稱，後者說明「師」不是一種世襲的爵位。在地緣方面，「師」大都集中在周人的兩個重要的活動中心----宗周和岐周。而在血緣方面，「師」表現出一定的家族性特征，在宗周和岐周也分別有一個由「師」組成的家族。「師」的家族具有著深厚的歷史傳承，是較為強大的地方勢力。總而言之，師是西周時期宗周地區對某些具有一定社會地位的有官職的貴族的稱呼，他們擁有一定的功業或者社會名望，同時也擁有強大的家族勢力。This dissertation takes issue with the interpretation that people in Western Zhou bronze inscriptions referred to by "Shi師X" (or "Shi師X fu父") had to have been officials because of these names, and argues against the view that these names were associated with or abbreviations of the offices called "Shi shi師氏" or "Da shi大師". Point in fact, people whose names were preceded by "Shi 師" had wide-ranging duties. They were military officers, secretaries, education officials, and even regents. The Western Zhou had a sophisticated official system, and it is unlikely that one position was set to administer such a multitude of tasks and duties. In addition, people of different classes and of different generations could be called "Shi 師", and a collation of all the data suggests that it was not an honorific appellation nor a hereditary title. Archaeological information from unearthed bronzes with inscriptions reveals that these people called "Shi師X" were centered mainly in Zong Zhou宗周 and Qi Zhou岐周, these two places being the political and religious centers of the Western Zhou rulers. I argue that "Shi" was a term used by nobles who possessed a certain amount of meritorious deeds or attained a certain social status.