Since the antiquity, the Book of Change (Zhouyi 周易) has been praised as the leading scripture among the five classics (with the Book of Documents [Shangshu 尚書], the Book of Odes [Shijing 詩經], the Spring and Autumn Annals [Chunqiu 春秋], and the Book of Rites [Liji 禮記]), and the supreme dao of the three mysteries (with Laozi 老子 and Zhuangzi 莊子). However, its guayaoci 卦爻辭 (general and line judgments of the hexagrams) are not only recondite but also proliferate with conflicting exegeses that lead nowhere. Fortunately, multiple early manuscripts of the Book of Change, including those from the Mawangdui 馬王堆 silk texts, the Fuyang 阜陽 bamboo slips, and the Chu 楚 bamboo slips housed at the Shanghai Museum, were excavated over the past forty years. These, combined with other related archaeological findings, found the basis for a scrupulous reading of the guayaoci. I attempt to compare the Shanghai Museum manuscript, which is the earliest extant copy of the Book of Change, with the traditional editions and other excavated copies to arrive at a reasoned exposition based on previous interpretation and through manifold research methods such as philology, textual criticism and theosophy. The present thesis examines seven guyaoci from seven hexagrams: 1 “li yong qin fa 利用侵伐” of the fifth line of qian 謙; 2 “bu fu yi qi lin 不富以其鄰” of the fifth line of qian 謙 and the fourth line of tai 泰, and “fu yi qi lin 富以其鄰” of the fifth line of xiaochu 小畜; 3 the naming of wuwang 无妄 and its meaning; 4 “wuwang zhi ji, wu yao you xi 无妄之疾，勿藥有喜” of the fifth line of wuwang 无妄; 5 “he tian zhi qu 何天之衢” of the sixth line of dachu 大畜; 6 “lu suosuo, si qi suo qu zai 旅瑣瑣，斯其所取災” of the first line of lu 旅; and finally 7 “ru you yiru 繻有衣袽” of the fourth line of jiji 既濟. / published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Master / Master of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Master / Master of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Master / Master of Philosophy

The research question considers the possibility that culture and identity impedes Chinese New Zealanders from writing fiction about their own culture, and considers a Chinese New Zealand history as interpreted from a Chinese perspective. The research looks at various elements related to this question, such as Chinese as strangers or foreigners, the pressure to conform, and the role of communities.

The final decade of the Qing Dynasty, 1901-1911, witnessed a proliferation of works of fiction that incorporated, to a large extent for the first time, themes and images relating to material and technological progress. These "science fantasies" of global and interplanetary peregrination and travel across epochal time have typically been situated along various degrees of confederacy with the values and ideology of modernising China at large. This study however addresses the complex and oft-obfuscated relationship between much of this speculative fiction and the late-Qing tabloid press, which is more closely associated with the satirical, grotesque, narcotic and libidinal. By investigating the subverting and distorting of nominally positivist images like imagined futures, space travel and utopia, the dissertation explicates the possibility for these works of fiction to express a cynical and critical subjectivity toward the ideology of "modern China" that was taking shape at this time. The study incorporates new perspectives on oft-encountered novels, like Wu Jianren's New Story of the Stone, alongside more marginal texts, like the popular sequels to the classics authored by Lu Shi'e, and several unattributed pseudonymous works of short experimental fiction. Through close analysis of these texts, I argue that the arena of "tabloid speculative fiction" was thematically united at the level of their "grotesque fantasies," in which the images of fantasy and the values of modernity were subverted by sexuality, lassitude and boredom. In highlighting this critical grotesquery, the study stresses the internal discontinuities that undergird the superficial homogeneity often attributed to late-Qing speculative fiction.

abstract: This thesis is a translation and analysis of the “Epitaph of the Wu Kingdom Transcendent Duke Ge of the Left Palace of the Grand Bourne” (Epitaph below). The author was Tao Hongjing (456 CE-536 CE). The subject of this Epitaph inscribed on a stele was Ge Xuan (trad. 164 CE-244 CE). Ge Xuan had two titles attributed to him by later Daoists. According to the Lingbao scriptures, Ge was appointed by the Perfected of Grand Bourne, a heavenly title. Later, in the Shangqing scriptures, Ge Xuan was said to be an earthly transcendent without any heavenly appointment. This debate occurred before Tao Hongjing began to write. This stele epitaph is essential, as it records sayings from both Lingbao and Shangqing scriptures. By reading this translated epitaph, scholars can know more about different versions of Ge Xuan's legend, as well as how Ge Xuan's legend was constantly rewritten by later Daoists. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Religious Studies 2020

第一章陳述周代酒禮的研究狀況。當時的酒禮的類別、內容、程序等都有很大的探討空間，但是首先要打破銘文釋讀的障礙。我提出從古文字形構的角度考察禮儀的雛形，隨即在第二章實踐。經過考察與祼禮有關的瓚、將等字的本義，勾勒字義的引申關係，用來訓釋銘文語境中的具體含義，以此為基礎來說明了瓚、將兩種事物的禮儀用途，結果得出銘文瓚字既是表示飲酒的工具也是表示獻酒的動詞，其中瓚字由於詞性變換而孳乳出「口+瓚」、「吅+瓚」的寫法，為 、 字。銘文「口+瓚」、「吅+瓚」的寫法，按辭例都表示讓人酒飲義，兩字是在「瓚」字的基礎上添加了「口」或「吅」，屬標示動詞用法的表義符號。至於祼將的將則屬於同源分化，由本指奉持的將字添加瓚形，產生了專指祼將（獻酒）的 字。第二章又牽涉到「X+某+出入/逆洀+事/將令」的辭例，X位置皆有供酒食之意，不應籠統以協助義當之，將命明顯是傳話之意。在飲食禮中設有訝者，兼任迎賓並傳達主賓之言。出入/逆洀乃形容傳命之行為，學者以為是名詞，指王的使者，非是。透過《儀禮》飲食禮儀程序的展現，可以反映這種套語所描述的實際內容。第三、四章討論「饗禮」，以主題用品劃分饗禮的類別，可以分為饗酒和饗醴兩種。在歸納銘文有「饗」字的辭例時，我發現了「饗醴」有「侑」，「饗酒」無「侑」的現象。侑是勸的意思，因飲料的種類有別，而有勸和不勸之別，反映了周初飲酒觀念對後來用酒制度的影響。類似的辭例用字上的差別未盡被揭櫫，而這些差別是還可以解決一些文字釋義的問題，例如飲、厚、懿、莤等字被討論過不少，可是還未算審諦。重新考察辭例後，可見飲不用於醴，厚、懿和醴、醫等事物有關，藉此對個別經傳文句提出新見，也進一步瞭解飲酒禮儀的內涵。第五、六章圍繞�字的本義、辭例、禮制、思想等各個方面做討論。�字形義蘊涵了飲酒行為，也是飲酒禮的基本模式，字中每一個部件，都可以在三《禮》所見的飲酒禮中找到實物，而�字包含了招待的義項，也和文獻以酒作為招待賓客的主要用品相符。 Documents from the early Western Zhou already indicate significant ideological differences between the Shang and Zhou dynasties. Instructions and commands written down in the da yu ding bronze inscription and the jiu gao ("royal mandate regarding drunkenness") chapter of the Shangshu, for example, show that the Zhou believed that the downfall of the Shang dynasty was brought on by their excessive indulgence in alcohol, and that they intended to admonish their own people for this behavior. However, the widespread use of bronze drinking vessels up until the mid-Western Zhou period suggests that this idea was only held up by the ruling elite of the early Western Zhou and did not expand throughout the entire territory. Only when the Zhou developed their own distinctive culinary and ritual culture from the mid-Western period on, bronze drinking vessels started to disappear from daily use. But the decrease of bronze drinking vessels does not necessarily mean that drinking alcohol for ritual purposes had been banned. From the mid-Western Zhou throughout the entire Eastern Zhou period characters related to these rituals--e.g. jiu酒（wine）, yin 飲 ("to drink"), xiang 饗 ("to offer food and drinks"), guan 祼 ("to pour out libation") and zan 瓚 ("libation cup")--continue to appear on bronze inscriptions and show that the use of alcohol was still an indispensable part within court meetings. Only the form, quantity and quality of the alcohol vessels and drinking habits underwent changes, but they had not been forbidden categorically. The aim of this thesis is to outline the evolution of ritual ceremonies involving the use of alcohol vessels during the mid-Western Zhou period. By this, I attempt to demonstrate that the importance of offering alcohol drastically declined during this era. One indicator for this development is the decline in offering jiu 酒 ("wine") and its replacement with li 醴 ("sweet wine"). Due to its lower levels of alcohol, a higher amount of "sweet wine" could be consumed without becoming intoxicated and was therefore more suitable in the effort to abide the instructions given by the founding fathers of the dynasty. Besides a comparison of the terms jiu 酒 and li 醴, this thesis also offers new paleographic and phonologic analyses of related characters--e.g. suo 縮 ("filter"), yin 飲 ("to drink"), hou 厚 ("richness"), yi 懿 ("fine"), zan 瓚 ("libation cup"), guan 祼 ("to pour out libation"), etc.--to contrast the ritual system as described in the old texts with the bronze inscriptions according to the shape and sound of the character as well as the actual artifact.

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