Linguistics / This dissertation examines the complexity of complementation in O’dam, also known as Southeastern Tepehuan (SET), based on a corpus of twenty-seven hours of naturally recorded speech (105 texts). This complexity is due in part to the fact that the same subordinate marker, na, encodes complements, adverbial and relative clauses, and, in some instances, non-embedded clauses. That is, distributional patterns indicate that na is a polyfunctional marker in SET. In addition to using the na marker, SET conveys adverbial and complement clauses through using non-embedded clauses (i.e., juxtaposition), supporting the notion that subordination does not always involve an embedded association (Cristofaro 2003). Crucially, juxtaposition is used as a coordination strategy. Therefore, investigating clause linkage in SET highlights the formal and semantic categories in which SET differentiates embedded clauses. It further suggests that SET has a continuum of features that distinguish these dependent relationships (e.g., aspect, second position clitics, inherent control, an overt subordinate marker, negation, and focus); thus, this research contributes to recent work on the typology of complementation. All embedded clauses in SET can be distinguished by means of a second position clitic and by the morphology attached to the embedded predicate or to the subordinate marker. More specifically, complements and relative clauses require second position clitics, but adverbials only use them if they are marking switch-reference. This behavior is unique, because adverbials use second position clitics as an indicator of thematic continuity for subjects, suggesting that the development of these clitics evolved independently with the function of marking switch reference. Also, ‘when’ clauses do not have a fixed order compared to locative and manner adverbial clauses, because locative and manner adverbial clauses, along with complements and relatives, always follow the main clause. As for the morphology encoded in complement clauses, SET distinguishes between embedded clauses with or without a complementizer, and on the basis of internal aspectual morphology and inherent control. As a result, it is not the form, but the interface of morphosyntactic, semantic and pragmatic information that helps us identify the type of embedded clause we are facing. / text

This study investigates combined clause constructions for ten distinct semantic relations in a cross-section of Austronesian languages. The relations are of a temporal or co-varying nature, the former commonly expressed in English by such markers as when, then, until, etc. and the latter by if, so, because, etc. The research falls into three main sections. First, the study provides an overview of the semantic domain covered by the relevant relations in the Austronesian languages. Several subdistinctions are found to be made within the relations investigated. The study also explores polysemic relation markers, and a number of patterns are identified. The most common pattern is the overlap between open conditional and non-past co-occurrence relations, for which many Austronesian languages employ the same relation marker. Second, the study develops a morpho-syntactic typology of Austronesian clause combining based on three parameters related to features common to clause combining constructions. The typology divides the constructions into five different types that are ranked with regard to structural tightness. Some additional constructions, cutting across several types, are also discussed; in particular, asymmetric coordination, which involves the use of a coordinator to connect a fronted topicalized adverbial clause to the rest of the sentence. Finally, the study explores the distributional patterns of the morpho-syntactic types across the semantic relations, as well as across three geographical areas in the Austronesian region. In the former case, a clear correlation is found between posteriority and result relations on the one hand and looser structural types on the other. The distribution of types across the Austronesian region reveals few differences between the areas, although two tendencies could be detected: the Oceanic languages tend to employ slightly looser morpho-syntax, while the Formosan and Philippine languages employ slightly tighter morpho-syntax.

Gegenstand dieser Arbeit sind sog. nicht-kanonische bzw. unintegrierte Nebensätze. Diese Nebensätze zeichnen sich dadurch aus, dass sie sich mittels gängiger Kriterien (Satzgliedstatus, Verbletztstellung) nicht klar als koordiniert oder subordiniert beschreiben lassen. Das Phänomen nicht-kanonischer Nebensätze ist ein Thema, welches in der Sprachwissenschaft generell seit den späten Siebzigern (Davison 1979) diskutiert wird und spätestens mit Fabricius-Hansen (1992) auch innerhalb der germanistischen Linguistik angekommen ist. Ein viel beachteter Komplex ist hierbei – neben der reinen Identifizierung nicht-kanonischer Satzgefüge – meist auch die Erstellung einer Klassifikation zur Erfassung zumindest einiger nicht-kanonischer Gefüge, wie dies etwa bei Fabricius-Hansen (1992) und Reis (1997) zu sehen ist. Das Ziel dieser Studie ist es, eine exhaustive Klassifikation der angesprochenen Nebensatztypen vorzunehmen. Dazu werden zunächst – unter Zuhilfenahme von Korpusdaten – alle potentiellen Subordinationsmerkmale genauer untersucht, da die meisten bisherigen Studien zu diesem Thema die stets gleichen Merkmale als gegeben voraussetzen. Dabei wird sich herausstellen, dass nur eine kleine Anzahl von Merkmalen sich wirklich zweifelsfrei dazu eignet, Aufschluss über die Satzverknüpfungsqualität zu geben. Die anschließend aufgestellte Taxonomie deutscher Nebensätze wird schließlich einzig mit der Postulierung einer nicht-kanonischen Nebensatzklasse auskommen. Sie ist darüber hinaus auch in der Lage, die zahlreich vorkommenden Ausnahmefälle zu erfassen. Dies heißt konkret, dass auch etwaige Nebensätze, die sich aufgrund bestimmter Eigenschaften teilweise idiosynkratisch verhalten, einfach in die vorgeschlagene Klassifikation übernommen werden können. In diesem Zuge werde ich weiterhin zeigen, wie eine Nebensatzklassifikation auch sog. sekundären Subordinationsmerkmalen gerecht werden kann, obwohl diese sich hinsichtlich der einzelnen Nebensatzklassen nicht einheitlich verhalten. Schließlich werde ich eine theoretische Modellierung der zuvor postulierten Taxonomie vornehmen, die auf Basis der HPSG mittels Merkmalsvererbung alle möglichen Nebensatztypen zu erfassen imstande ist. / This study focuses on so-called non-canonical or unintegrated clauses in German. These clauses cannot easily be categorized as either subordinate or coordinate by using classical criteria like the syntactic function or the position of the finite verb. In linguistics in general, this phenomenon has been discussed since the seventies (Davison 1979) and Fabricius-Hansen (1992) brought this topic to German linguistics. Apart from the mere identification of non-canonical clause types, previous studies mostly deal with classification approaches in order to be able to subsume at least some non-canonical clause types under the same category, see Fabricius-Hansen (1992) or Reis (1997). This study aims at providing an exhaustive classification of non-canonical clause types. In order to do so, I will first look at all potential diagnostics that could be used to distinguish between different clause linkage patterns. This needs to be addressed because most previous studies simply assume a certain set of diagnostics to be relevant and valid. Eventually, it will turn out that only a very limited number of criteria can serve as clear diagnostics with regard to a certain clause linkage status. After that, I will present a taxonomy of German clauses that is able to cover all non-canonical clauses only with postulating one additional subcategory. Furthermore, this classification is also able to cover the numerous cases of non-canonical clauses that show idiosyncratic behavior. Besides, I will further show how such a classification can address so-called secondary diagnostics. Finally, the previously established taxonomy will be embedded in a generative framework. By using HPSG and its default inheritance principle, it is possible to capture all non-canonical clause types within one simple classification.