The objective of this thesis is to provide a theoretical analysis and conceptual history of the most significant instances of convergence between 'anarchist' and 'Marxist' political ideas and practices, circa 1872-1963. This study will be conducted with two key aims. First, reassessing some of the dominant claims of a dichotomous relationship between the anarchist and Marxist traditions. Second, with a view towards determining if moments of convergence exhibit sufficient continuity and coherence to be considered as a distinct ideological current or sub-variant within the broader socialist tradition, or what has sometimes been referred to as 'libertarian socialism' or 'libertarian communism'. I argue that the communist, anti-statist, and anti-parliamentary currents in the international working-class movement expose a neglected sphere of commonality which demands closer investigation. In part one, 'Convergences and Divergences', I problematise the dominant interpretations of the relationships between anarchism and Marxism as hostile and irreconcilable ideologies. Employing the 'morphological' approach to ideologies, I then recast this debate as an interplay between two core political concepts: the 'libertarian' critique of hierarchy and authoritarianism and the 'communist' critique of the capitalist mode of production and alienated labour. Part two, 'Beyond the Red and Black Divide', examines the intersections of the libertarian and communist critiques through three case studies. In the first case study, the 'Chicago Idea' movement of the Haymarket Martyrs is examined as an instance of anarchist/Marxist synthesis - one of the ideological precursors of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) union. Case study two examines ideological innovations which emerged in response to the Russian Revolution (1917-1921) and Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) through an analysis of the Makhnovist-platformist, council communist, and the 'Friends of Durruti' group conceptions of revolutionary organisation. The final case study examines the post-war evolution of the Socialisme ou Barbarie, Johnson-Forest Tendency, and Solidarity groups from Trotskyism to 'libertarian socialism'.

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No / Examining two centuries of Balkan politics, from the emergence of nationalism to the retreat of Communist power in 1989, this is the first book to systematically argue that many of the region's problems are external in origin. A decade of instability in the Balkan states of southeast Europe has given the region one of the worst images in world politics. The Balkans has become synonymous with chaos and extremism. Balkanization, meaning conflict arising from the fragmentation of political power, is a condition feared across the globe. This new text assesses the key issues of Balkan politics, showing how the development of exclusive nationalism has prevented the region¿s human and material resources from being harnessed in a constructive way. It argues that the proximity of the Balkans to the great powers is the main reason for instability and decline. Britain, Russia, Austria-Hungary, France and finally the USA had conflicting ambitions and interests in the region. Russia had imperial designs before and after the 1917 Revolution. The Western powers sometimes tolerated these or encouraged undemocratic local forces to exercise control in order to block further Soviet expansion. Leading authority Tom Gallagher examines the origins of these Western prejudices towards the Balkans, tracing the damaging effects of policies based on Western lethargy and cynicism, and reassesses the negative image of the region, its citizens, their leadership skills and their potential to overcome crucial problems.

This dissertation studies Chilean communists’ public and private lives. It examines the experience of being a communist and the Communist Party of Chile’s efforts to shape that experience, both in the street and at home. To what extent did communists follow party principles regarding public and private life? To what extent did communism succeed in challenging the public-private divide so dear to liberalism? These are the questions I seek to answer in this dissertation. I argue that communism was lived quite intensely, but that it would be an exaggeration to claim that most party members lived and breathed communism. Communists lived a bifurcated life: one life lived to the fullest in the public sphere and another life lived less intensely at home. This dissertation provides a detailed portrait of communist men and their relations, both at home and in the street, in order to understand how they came to inhabit and expand the Chilean political sphere. Communist ideology and activism helped men reaffirm their masculine sense of self and claim a space in the public arena, but self-sovereignty came at the cost of family life. Communism strengthened the gendered public-private divide by pulling men from their homes and imbuing them with a strong sense of mission. Communist men’s intense involvement in public affairs was to the detriment of their wives, who ended up confined to the domestic realm. Notwithstanding communist discourse, the practices fostered by the party led communist men to think of public and private as separate spheres.

本文通过比较的视角来探索中共政权对中国天主教会包括官方与地下教会的特殊控制及其原因。自中共建国后，对比与其同宗同源，同为近代外来宗教的基督新教，中国天主教会长期以来受到中共严厉的控制。同时，近三十年来，基督新教在中国发展迅猛，成为当代中国发展最快的宗教，而在晚清和国民党政权下，基督新教在中国的发展一直远远落后于天主教。本文试图对这两个特殊现象进行研究。 / 对于中共的严厉控制，学界的普遍观点是将其归结为天主教会强大的外国背景和与梵蒂冈的关系； 而近三十年来基督新教在华迅猛发展的原因被认为是它改良的教义和积极的传教模式。然而，基督新教同样具有强大的外国背景，它改良的教义和传教模式自晚清起在中国并没有本质改变，为何只在中共政权下得到迅速发展？本文试图通过对比天主教与基督新教在教义与组织结构、在华传播模式与发展速度、在华对政治的参与等方面的差异，以及天主教会在中国与中共政权在意识形态与组织结构上的异同，来探索中共对天主教会的特殊对待是否存在更深层次的原因，并探讨两者之间是否存在不可调和的矛盾。 / 笔者认为，作为一个意识形态与组织高度合一的政权，中共害怕任何有严密统一全国性组织的宗教，不管它是否有外国背景。而作为有全国性统一严密组织的宗教组织，天主教会在中国之所以没有像"一贯道"和"法轮功"一样被中共消灭掉，是因为其与梵蒂冈的关系。作为"国际性合法宗教"，天主教得以在中国生存。与基督新教相比，天主教会在中国，作为一种保守的，不倾向于革命或改良的宗教组织，在主观上从未试图挑战政权，但是其政教合一的严密组织以及建立在儒家伦理和宗族（家族）基础上的稳定的网络结构，在客观上构成对中共政权的有力竞争与潜在威胁，因此受到中共严密控制。中共利用"自选自圣"的策略，保持天主教会在中国的分裂， 从而达到"分而治之"的目的。同时，中共保持天主教地下教会在中国有限度的存在，以维持其对中国天主教会的有效控制。 / My research focuses on church-state relations in contemporary China, to explore whether or not the Catholic Church in China constitutes a threat to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regime. I am undertaking a comparative study of the CCP’s religious control over the Catholic and Protestant churches in mainland China through the approach of state-society relations, as well as a macroscopic view of political science with quantitative and qualitative analysis. / As they are both foreign-originated parts of Christianity, the Catholic Church has been subjected to much stricter controls from the mainland CCP since 1949 than the Protestant Churches. Furthermore, the Protestant churches have been the fastest growing religion in China in past three decades, but it had once grown relatively very slowly under late Qing and the KMT regimes, compared with the Catholicism. This research tries to explore these two strange phenomena, to study why the CCP has been so highly attentive towards the Catholic Church but has not eliminated it in mainland China. / Through expounding the differences between the Catholic Church and the Protestant churches in religious doctrines, organizational structures, propagation models, as well as development rates in China, which have been ignored by most scholars in the field, I try to interpret why the CCP has taken much tougher religious control over the Catholic Church, compared with the Protestant ones. Furthermore, I also make comparison between the Catholic Church and the CCP both of those are hierarchical organizations with highly unified ideologies, as well as different kinds of Universalism and Particularism. / In my view, the Catholic Church in China is different from Protestant churches, in that it has the tradition of "The Directives of Matteo Ricci," which expounded Christian doctrines in a Confucian way. It also comports with the traditional dependence on patriarchal clans (kinship) and obedience to secular authority found in Chinese society. It is not a social group that inclines to reform or revolution, but rather a conservative, exclusive, and highly stable one. Therefore, it has never intended to threaten or challenge the CCP’s authority. The opposition of the Catholic Church in China has been "misperceived" by the CCP. / As a regime highly unified in ideology and organization, the CCP’s state has been highly attentive toward any religion that has a nationwide, structured organization in China, whether it is of foreign or native provenance. Contrary to the common view in the field, it is argued that the Catholic Church could survive in China after 1949 -- in contrast to the "I-Kuan Tao" (Yi Guan Dao; eliminated in 1950’s), and "Falun Gong" (eliminated in recent years), because of its powerful world-wide network, its linkage with the Vatican. The CCP wants to maintain the disruption between the official and underground Catholic Churches in the Chinese mainland, to divide the Catholic Church and rule it in China. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 郝瑩. / Thesis submitted: October 2013. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 219-236). / Abstracts also in English. / Hao Ying.

At the moment of the founding of the Second Republic in April 1931, the labour movement in Spain was dominated by two organizations, namely the anarcho-syndicalist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) and the socialist Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT). The Second Republic marked the first period in which the two organizations had concurrently operated openly since the Primo de Rivera dictatorship had made the CNT illegal at the same time as the UGT had agreed to cooperate with the General’s corporatist project. With the founding of the Republic, a long-standing organizational and ideological hostility between the two organizations was exacerbated by the fact of the UGT actively participating in the reform project of the Republican-socialist government and the CNT increasingly opposing that project. However, the Republic progressively became polarized between left and right; as fascist regimes came to the fore across Europe, increasingly large sectors of the Spanish left called for a unity of their forces to prevent a similar occurrence in Spain. The outbreak of the Civil War in July 1936 made this unity even more imperative. This thesis focuses on interactions between the CNT and the UGT between 1931 and 1936 within this socio-political context, primarily from the perspective of the CNT. The thesis traces and analyses the evolution of CNT as a national actor’s overall position on the UGT from one of outright hostility to a stance of proposing a revolutionary alliance with it in 1936. The thesis also examines interactions between the two organizations in Catalonia, which was both the CNT's birthplace and stronghold and a region in which the UGT had historically garnered little support. In addition to highlighting the pivotal role that the Catalan CNT had in determining the CNT's national-level stance on the UGT throughout this period, the thesis explores how the anarcho-syndicalist movement in the region presented its socialist counterpart as the embodiment of a socialist- and state-sponsored project to destroy the CNT, and also examines the largely hostile encounters between CNT and UGT unions in workplaces and localities across the region.

published_or_final_version / History / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Chinese Historical Studies / Master / Master of Arts

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