Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1966. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1975. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 735-750).

This thesis provides an analysis of British communist attitudes to education in English schools between 1926 and 1968. Although the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) in many ways remained a marginal force in British politics throughout its life (1920-1991), historians have acknowledged that it made a contribution to cultural and industrial politics in Britain which far exceeded its membership figures and electoral success. Surprisingly, given that the Party produced several teacher trade union presidents and Britain’s foremost post-war educationalist, scholars have largely overlooked British communism’s role in the politics of education in schools – a field which straddles both areas in which the Party is widely regarded to have punched above its weight. Researchers into the Party’s internal life have also paid little attention to its schoolteachers’ group, despite the fact that it was one of the CPGB’s largest occupational groups, and the fact that leading communist teachers and educationalists also took up prominent positions inside the Party. Although some existing work has discussed CPGB attitudes to the education of children during the 1920s, 1940s and 1950s, to date there has been no PhD-length study which covers the period between 1926 and 1968 and has British communism and the politics of education as its sole focus. This study fills this gap by identifying individuals and institutions central to CPGB discussions and policy-making on education in schools, namely the leading figures in and around the Party schoolteachers’ group, and exploring how they anticipated, reflected or resisted the wider Party line in their work throughout several pivotal shifts in the CPGB’s position. Drawing upon source material unused by or unavailable to previous researchers, the thesis complicates existing arguments about the extent to which Party teachers and educationalists subordinated questions of educational content, method and theory to trade union work between 1926 and 1968. Furthermore the study also contextualises and illuminates the notable communist contribution to broader educational politics on the Left in Britain, particularly during World War Two and in the campaign for comprehensive education in the two decades which followed.

Orientador: Marcos Del Roio / Banca: Antonio Rago Filho / Banca: Antonio Carlos Mazzeo / Banca: Ester Vaisman / Banca: Anderson Deo / Resumo: Esta tese analisa as concepções de generidade e politicidade na última trajetória filosófica de György Lukács (1956-1971). Os textos analisados são Para uma ontologia do ser social, incluindo seus Prolegômenos, e os seus escritos políticos derradeiros, com notado destaque a O processo de democratização. A questão crucial da ontologia do ser social em Lukács está envolta à dilucidação da generidade humana, momento peculiar da esfera do ser biológico que, ao cindirse com a natureza, eleva-se a uma generidade completamente inédita devido ao surgimento do pôr teleológico, isto é, os atos que visam a transformação finalística do mundo. Ao fixar o pôr teleológico como organismo gerador da generidade do ser social, e ao fixar a disseminação das posições teleológicas como o conteúdo dinâmico da vida social, Lukács impossibilita a confusão entre a vida da natureza e a vida da sociedade: a primeira é dominada pela causalidade espontânea, não-teleológica; enquanto a segunda é constituída pelos atos da práxis dos indivíduos singulares. Neste sentido, Lukács se depara com a percepção do caráter alternativo de toda resolução humana, verificando que o conjunto dos pores teleológicos gera uma causalidade posta que apenas em partes é controlada pelo indivíduo singular. Com o desenvolvimento de uma generidade qualitativamente mais ampla, os homens passam a ter maior controle sobre suas alternativas e sobre os resultados de seus atos finalísticos. A política, então, é um dos momentos do pôr teleológico secundário, pois tal ato finalístico visa a influenciar os atos dos outros indivíduos singulares - de modo que a política é um tipo de práxis voltada para a totalidade social. O campo de ação dos indivíduos singulares é aumentado a cada complexificação social que origina um processo de ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This search analyzes the concepts of genericity and politicity in the last philosophical trajectory of György Lukács (1956-1971). The analyzed texts are Ontology of Social Being, including its Introduction, and their latest political writings, specially Democratisation Today and Tomorow. The crucial question of the ontology of social being for Lukács it is shrouded the elucidation of human genericity, peculiar moment the sphere of biological being that, when cleaved with nature, stands at a completely unprecedented genericity, due to the appearance of putting teleological, in other words, the acts aimed at finalistic transformation of the world. Fixing the teleological put how generator organism of genericity of social being, and to secure the dissemination of teleological positions how the dynamic content of social life, Lukács prevents confusion between the life of nature and society life: the firts, the first is dominated by the spontaneous causality, non-teleological; while the second consists of the acts of praxis of single individuals. In this way, Lukács is faced with the perception of alternative character of all human resolution, verifying that the set of teleological putting generates a pose causality wich is controlled only partially for single individual. With the development of a qualitatively wider genericity, humans now have greater control over their alternatives, and over the results of their finalistics actions. The politics is one of the moments of the secondary teleological put, so, because such finalistic act aims to influence the actions of other single individuals, so that politics is a kind of practice focused on social totality. The action field of single individuals is increasing every social complexity, which causes a deployment process of genericity, through political acts originating from alternative ... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

This thesis is an examination of Nguyen Ai Quoc's (Ho Chi Minh's) role in transmitting communism to Vietnam in the period between the First and Second World Wars. As the Third International (Comintern) provided the theory and much of the organizational support for this task, it is also a study of the Comintern's changing policies towards revolution in colonial countries. It has grown out of research in the Moscow archives of the Comintern, which first became available to researchers in late 1991-1992. It also makes extensive use of the French colonial archives at the Centre d'Archives d'Outre-Mer in Aix-en-Provence. This study begins with Nguyen Ai Quoc's appearance in Paris in 1919, when he lobbied the Paris Peace Conference for greater Vietnamese freedom and was then drawn into the political world of the French left. It follows his first contacts with the Comintern in Moscow (1923- 1924), through his two-year sojourn in Canton during the Communist-Guomindang United Front, when he established the first training courses for Vietnamese revolutionaries. Chapters IV and V cover his return to Asia in mid-1928, his founding of the Vietnamese Communist Party in 1930, and the 1930-31 insurrectionary movement in Vietnam. Chapter Six deals with his Jime 1931 arrest and his long period of political inactivity in Moscow, from mid-1934 until the autumn of 1938. The final chapter covers his return to southern China and his efforts to regain his influence in the Vietnamese communist movement from 1939 to 1941. The thesis concludes that, with the benefit of the documentary evidence now available, it is necessary to readjust the perception of Nguyen Ai Quoc as an influential communist during his early political career. Initially he received little financial support from Moscow and he never became a member of the Comintern Executive Committee. Nor did he exist entirely within the world of the Comintern. Although the latter was an essential force in the creation of Vietnamese communism, there were other factors which shaped its growth, including family and regional ties, as well as Chinese and French left-wing politics.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-10-06T13:03:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2015-08-18. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2015-10-06T13:18:48Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000851759.pdf: 2495844 bytes, checksum: 2bd606f8d9c6d7b7289fad9191e3ca9d (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A tese apresentada trata de um estudo sobre o conceito de história e tempo presente. Nosso ponto de partida foi a publicação de Karl Marx em 1859 intitulada Zur Kritik der Politschen Ökonomie (Para Crítica da Economia Política). O objeto apresentado a seguir não pretende se ocupar de um estudo situado no tempo presente (embora parta dele claramente) tão pouco de entender Marx como historiador, menos ainda, um historiador do tempo presente. Trata-se de um estudo teórico, classificado como bibliográfico-documental, localizado em meados do século XIX e isso apresenta o tipo de fonte que utilizamos. Entretanto, torna-se imprescindível levar em consideração o conceito de história e tempo presente em sua totalidade histórica, nos ocupando de parte da trajetória de Marx e a construção destes dois conceitos centrais. No século XX, parte da historiografia francesa se dedicou ao estudo do tempo presente, sintetizando um quadro teórico-metodológico nos anos setenta, porém, distante de Marx, por suas particularidades. Marx, antes de todas as importantes formulações institucionalizadas no Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, através do Institut d'histoire du temps présent, já trabalhava com uma concepção de história e tempo presente fora da universidade, o que lhe possibilitou um tipo de produção intelectual improvável se o fizesse em uma academia. Esta questão é central na construção do conceito de história e tempo presente no autor e tão significativa que teve repercussão histórico-social até mesmo na academia. Estudamos aqui dois conceitos intrinsicamente ligados e que mesmo tendo como ponto de partida uma obra de Marx não pudemos nos restringir a ela para que pudéssemos sistematizar o seu próprio entendimento. O estudo sobre Marx tematicamente é bastante vasto, entretanto, postulamos que ainda há muito que se explorar da perspectiva teórica e metodológica desenvolvida por Marx em sua trajetória... / The submitted thesis deals with a study about the concept of history and present time. Our starting point was the Karl Marx's publication of 1859 entitled Zur Kritik der Politschen Ökonomie (For the Critic of the Political Economy). The following presented object does not pretend to occupy itself with a study situated in the present time (although clearly departs from it) neither of understanding Marx as a historian, even less, a historian of present time. This is a theoretical study, classified as bibliographical-documental, located in the whereabouts of XIX century, and this present the font's type we utilize. However, it becomes indispensable to take in consideration the concept of history and present time in its historical totality, occupying us of a part of Marx's trajectory and the construction of these central concepts. In XX century, a part of the French historiography dedicated itself to the study of present time, synthesizing a theoretical-methodological frame in the sixties, although, distant from Marx, because of its particularities. Marx, before all the important formulations institutionalized in the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, through the Institut d'histoire du temps present, already worked with a concept of history and present time outside the university, which enabled him a kind of intellectual production improbable if done in the academy. This is a central question in the construction of the concept of history and present time in the author and so significant it had historic-social repercussion even in the academy. We study here two concepts intrinsically connected and even though having as starting point a Marx's work we couldn't restraint ourselves to it for so we could systematize his own understanding. The study about Marx thematically is really vast, however, we postulate that there is still much to explore about the theoretical and methodological perspective developed by Marx in his... / El objeto presentado no tiene la intención de participar en un estudio situado en lo tiempo presente (aunque empezando de el con claridad), no tienen Marx como historiador, y mucho menos uno historiador de lo tiempo presente. Este es un estudio teórico, clasificado como bibliográfica y documental, que se encuentra en la mitad del siglo XIX y muestra el tipo de fuente que utilizamos.Sin embargo, es fundamental tener en cuenta el concepto de la historia y el tiempo presente en su totalidad histórica, tomando en parte de la trayectoria de Marx y la construcción de estos dos conceptos clave. En el siglo XX, parte de la historiografía francesa se dedico al estudio de lo tiempo presente, productor de una síntesis de un marco teórico y metodológico en los años setenta, sin embargo, lejos de Marx, por sus peculiaridades. Marx, en primer lugar de todas las formulaciones institucionalizadas en el Centro Nacional de Investigación Científica, a través del Institut d'histoire du temps présent, estaba trabajando con una concepción de la historia y tiempo presente fuera de la universidad, que él una especie de producción intelectual hizo poco probable si estuviéramos en la academia. Esta cuestión es fundamental en la construcción del concepto de la historia y tiempo presente autor y tan significativa que tuvo repercusiones históricas y sociales, incluso en el universidad. Estudiamos aquí dos conceptos íntimamente vinculados y que, incluso tomando como punto de partida una obra de Marx no podíamos limitarnos a ella por lo que podría sistematizar su propia comprensión. El estudio de Marx tematicamiente es amplio, sin embargo, postulamos que todavía hay mucho que explorar el enfoque teórico y metodológico desarrollado por Marx en su trayectoria intelectual, especialmente en las últimas décadas, una nueva generación que no fue educado por el estalinismo, aunque el por otras ideologías como la pos-moderna, los gobiernos de frente...

Orientador: Antonio Carlos Mazzeo / Banca: Anderson Deo / Banca: Osvaldo Coggiola / Resumo: Essa dissertação pretende apresentar as primeiras interpretações marxistas acerca da realidade brasileira e sua interconexão, seus elementos comuns e divergentes. Partimos de algumas considerações iniciais sobre como o autor dessa dissertação compreende em linhas gerais o desenvolvimento brasileiro até o período das obras estudadas e da situação de divisão no marxismo internacional e sua influência sobre tais obras. As interpretações analisadas referem-se às de Octávio Brandão, autor de Agrarismo e Industrialismo - Ensaio marxista-leninista sobre a revolta de São Paulo e a guerra de Classes no Brasil, na qual há uma primeira tentativa de compreender o Brasil utilizando-se de alguns conceitos da metodologia materialista-histórica; as produzidas pela Liga Comunista (posteriormente Liga Comunista Internacionalista), seção brasileira da Oposição de Esquerda Internacional liderada por Leon Trotsky; e por fim a obra consagrada de Caio Prado Júnior, responsável por uma das principais leituras do passado colonial brasileiro. Ateremos-nos com especial ênfase às duas últimas pela sua proximidade na análise e no maior rigor analítico empregado e pelas suas disparidades programáticas. Como se espera do materialismo histórico, suas análises não se limitam à pura compreensão abstrata, mas servem para fundamentar sua ação prática, elemento presente nas três interpretações aqui tratadas. Nas conclusões finais, teceremos breves comparações entre as obras em caráter de síntese do exposto ao longo da dissertação bem como as considerações próprias do autor sobre o tema em questão. / Abstract: This thesis aims to present the first three Marxist interpretations about the Brazilian reality and their interconnection, their commonalities and differences. We start from some initial considerations of the author of this dissertation comprehension about the Brazilian development until the period of the works studied and the situation in the international division of Marxism and its influence on such works. Interpretations analyzed refer to Octavio Brandão, author of Agrarianism and Industrialism - Marxist-Leninist Essay on the revolt of St. Paul and the War of Classes in Brazil, in which there is a first attempt to understand Brazil using some concepts of materialist historical methodology; those produced by the Communist League (Internationalist Communist League later) , Brazilian section of the International Left Opposition lead by Leon Trotsky , and finally the consecrated work of Caio Prado Junior , responsible for the major interpretation of Brazilian past colonial. We stick with particular emphasis on the last two because of its proximity in analyzing and greater analytical rigor used and its programmatic differences. As expected from the historical materialism, their analysis is not limited to pure abstract understanding, but they serve to substantiate their practical action, element in the three interpretations addressed here. In the final conclusions , weave brief comparisons between those works in character synthesis of the foregoing throughout the dissertation as well as the author's own views on this topic. / Mestre

Orientador: Marcos Tadeu Del Roio / Banca: Angélica Lovatto / Banca: Fátima Aparecida Cabral / Banca: Ivo Tonet / Banca: Maurício Mello Vieira Martins / Resumo: O propósito que impulsiona esta pesquisa é apreender conceitualmente a categoria da politicidade no pensamento de Marx, explicitando que sua concepção desenvolve-se numa trajetória de continuidade, reafirmando-se na maturidade os fundamentos da crítica ontológica iniciada em sua juventude. Crítica, pois, que não só desloca a política do foco que tradicionalmente ocupa, como eleva ao primeiro plano a emancipação do trabalho. Sua precisa apreensão é, desse modo, pressuposto para a consecução da luta revolucionária. Com o intuito de apresentar elementos que possam contribuir para elucidar a polêmica das supostas cesuras entre a produção teórica do "jovem Marx" e do "cientista" propriamente dito, propomos que o estudo seja delimitado prioritariamente pelos escritos marxianos produzidos no decênio 1843-1852, incorporando tanto os textos de sua "juventude" quanto os materiais reconhecidamente próprios a conquistas da "maturidade". O resgate da dimensão ontológica das formulações de Marx abre caminho para um intenso debate ideológico dentro do próprio marxismo, com implicações diretas quanto às delimitações de sua função social na luta pela superação dos estranhamentos sociais e pela consequente emancipação da individualidade na afirmação da autêntica generidade humana. Nesse sentido, pretende-se demostrar, ademais, que sustentar a oposição que privilegia os escritos mais tardios em detrimento dos produzidos na tenra idade - ou seja, a "epistéme marxiana" - compromete a luta emancipatória em seu cerne, hipostasiando um formato político qualquer em detrimento da efetivação da liberdade humana na auto-edificação da mundaneidade pelo trabalho social. / Abstract: The purpose that drives this research is to apprehend, in its concepts, the political category in Marx's thought, explaining that his conception develops a path of continuity, reaffirming on his maturity the bases of the ontological rewiew he had started in his youth. Rewiew, therefore, that not only shifts the historical spot that politics has taken place so far, as well as it focus the emancipation of labor. Its precise apprehensiveness is a prerequisite for the achievement of the revolutionary struggle. In order to provide evidence that may help to elucidate the controversy of the alleged break between the theoretical production of the "young Marx" and "scientist" itself, we propose that the study be defined mainly by Marx‟s writings produced in the decade 1843-1852, incorporating both, texts of his "youth" as well as the materials recognized as achievements of "maturity". To resume the ontological dimension of the formulations of Marx gives way to an intense ideological debate within Marxism itself, with direct implications for the delimitation of its social function in the struggle to overcome social estrangements and the consequent emancipation of individuality in the affirmation of genuine human gender. In this sense, we intend to demonstrate that, besides, to sustain the opposition that privileges the later writings in order of those produced earlier - that means, the "Marx‟s epistéme" - compromises the emancipatory struggle in its main point, enhancing the political form in discountenance of the realization of human freedom in the self-edification of men‟s world by social labor. / Doutor

Orientador: Áureo Busetto / Banca: Adelaide Maria Gonçalves Pereira / Banca: Angelo Aparecido Priori / Banca: Paulo Henrique Martinez / Banca: José Luiz Bendicho Beired / Resumo: Analisa-se a militância anticomunista do jornal O Nordeste na cidade de Fortaleza/CE, entre 1930 e 1945. Fundado em 1922, sob os auspícios da Arquidiocese de Fortaleza, o periódico, a despeito de conceituar a República, oriunda da Constituição de 1891, de liberal e ateia, mostrava-se defensor intransigente da ordem. Adepto das diretrizes ultramontanas, o órgão empenhava-se em destruir as "forças do mal": o comunismo, o laicismo, o liberalismo, o judaísmo, os hábitos da Modernidade etc. À vista disso, examina-se o anticomunismo nas páginas d'O Nordeste, focalizando: a tentativa do jornal de ser o organizador coletivo da sociedade civil fortalezense; o processo de formação das imagens que caracterizavam o comunismo; o apoio veemente do periódico à Revolução de 1930 e à ditadura do Estado Novo getulista; as orientações do órgão ao eleitorado católico, incluso o primordial voto feminino, para sufragar os candidatos da Liga Eleitoral Católica (LEC) e do Partido Republicano Progressista (PRP); as funções de partido político exercidas pelo O Nordeste nas eleições de 1933 a 1936 e o clamor que fazia, independentemente da conjuntura, pela instalação urgente de um "Estado forte" no Brasil com Getúlio Vargas à frente / Abstract: This study analyses the militant anti-Communism of the newspaper O Nordeste (The Northeast) in Fortaleza / CE, between 1930 and 1945. Founded in 1922, under the auspices of the Archdiocese of Fortaleza, the periodical, despite portraying the Republic created by the 1891 Constitution as liberal and atheist, was an adamant defender of the established order. Adept with ultramontane guidelines, the agency strove to destroy the "forces of evil": communism, secularism, liberalism, Judaism, modern lifestyles and so on. In view of this, anti-communism in the pages of O Nordeste is examined, focusing on: the newspaper's attempt to be the collective organizer of civil society in Fortaleza, the process of forming images characterizing communism; the journal's vehement support of both the 1930 Revolution and the Estado Novo (New State) dictatorship of Getúlio Vargas; the guidelines of the Catholic electoral body, including the first female vote, to support the candidates of the Catholic Electoral League (LEC) and the Progressive Republican Party (PRP); the functions of a political party exercised by O Nordeste in the 1933 to 1936 elections and the outcry it made, regardless of the juncture, for the urgent installation of a "strong state" in Brazil led by Getúlio Vargas / Doutor

The thesis is a qualitative study that analyses the personal narratives of isolation and resistance of former Baader-Meinhof prisoners (RAF) in the period 1970-1995 within the context of imprisonment and penality in Gennany. The thesis constructs a picture of isolation and resistance through these individual narratives that illustrate how a state policy to control the communication of individual RAF prisoners was translated into techniques of immobilization - solitary confinement - and surveillance - searches, censorship and monitoring. The narratives recount how these techniques, though central to security and order in prison, were applied and adapted in order to disable the group both within prison and on the outside, and to diminish the (political) resolve of the individual prisoner. The narratives also give insight into individual and collective resistance to isolation, namely the rationales of individual survival and striving for community in the pursuit of collective detention of RAF prisoners. The thesis contributes to the literature on RAF imprisonment by framing the lived experiences of former women and men RAF prisoners and the meanings they attach to isolation and resistance within a power and gendered dimensions of prison life and penality. The study also hopes to contribute wider discussions on imprisonment and penality in Gennany, in particular the governance of women and men prisoners who are constructed as dangerous.