<p>This essay is about North Korea, Kim Jong Il and how the future looks for the states political system. The purpose is to explain how Kim Jong Il and the North Korean regim rules the state and with help of Machiavellis theory about the Prince, tell about the states future. The essayinvestigates how well Kim Jong Il and the North Korean regime are keeping their power overthe state and if their possibilities to continue in the same way are good or bad. The essayinvestigates North Koreas possibilities for further reign through Niccolo Machiavellis theory.</p><p>The argument is that the North Korean state and Kim Jong Il have few or noneconditions to continue with the same political system that the state in this time have.</p><p>The result shows that, through a Machiavellian perspective, Kim Jong Il and the North Korean regime have bad conditions to continue ruling the state in same way as now. The investigation, unfortunately, do not show when and how North Korea will be exposed to a government switch , but the result points to a change.</p>

Denne afhandling undersøger de nordiske socialdemokratiske partiers antikommunistiske samarbejde under den tidlige kolde krig (1945-62) Fjendskabet mellem socialdemokrater og kommunister går tilbage til 1920'erne og 1930'erne, men blev aktualiseret med kommunisternes relativt stigende populartitet efter Anden Verdenskrig. Samtidig med at den kolde krig nåede under frysepunktet, begyndte partisekretærerne for de nordiske socialdemokratier at mødes en eller to gange om året for at udveksle information omkring kommunisterne og diskutere hvordan man bedst imødegik dem. Partisekretærmøderne fandt sted i et årti, men døde ud i slutningen af 1950'erne/starten af 1960'erne, da kommunismen forsvandt som en trussel og den kolde krig blev hverdag. Partisekretærmøderne var markeret af den stigende sikkerhedsliggørelse af kommunistproblemet, som forårsagede at socialdemokrater, primært i Skandinavien, begyndte at samarbejde med de nationale sikkerhedstjenester om at inddæmme og bekæmpe kommunismen. Møderne bar præg af dette samarbejde, idet de ikke blot diskuterede kommunisme i fagbevægelsen men som del af et nationalt sikkerhedsproblem. De nordiske fagbevægelser har samarbejdet siden de blev etableret i slutningen af 1800-tallet og starten af 1900-tallet; derfor var det naturligt at de også samarbejdede om dette problem. Under den tidlige kolde krig var de Skandinaviske socialdemokrater politisk dominerende. De opbyggede velfærdsstater som de identificerede sig med i en sådan grad at det kunne være svært at adskille parti og stat. De blev socialdemoratiske stater. Denne identifikation var en bidragende faktor til synet på national sikkerhed som et partiproblem. Siden slutningen af den kolde krig, har ny forskning i stigende grad vist at de skandinaviske lande samarbejdede om militære og efterretningsmæssige forhold. Således betød det mislykkede forsøg på at etablere en skandinavisk forsvarsunion i 1949 ikke en sikkerhedsmæssig splittelse af Skandinavian, som forskningen traditionelt har hævdet. Et nyt billede af nordisk sikkerhed er ved at tegne sig, til hvilket denne afhandling er et bidrag: billedet af en region der var bundet sammen, ikke bare af kultur, værdier og sprog, men også af sikkerhedsmæssige forhold. Jeg viser, at de regerende partier var en del af dette samarbejde. De var, i praktikken, våbenbrødre. Således lægger jeg op til nordisk sikkerhedspolitisk forskning reevaluerer billedet af et splittet Norden.

A study of Lev Trotsky's leadership role in constructing the Red Army during the Russian Civil War. Beginning with his appointment in March 1918, Trotsky transformed the Bolsheviks' military policy to adopt more conventional fighting techniques.

This work is intended to examine the history of the formation and breakdown of Comintern-CCP relations between 1921 and 1939. Achieving such an objective entails an analysis of Braun's experiences in China, with an emphasis on the events leading up to and including the Long March. Of particular interest is the shifting emphasis from political to military strategy as the source of internal conflict within the CCP. By chronicling the political shifts within the Party, the historical events, and the factors that resulted in the Comintern's fall from grace, it is hoped that the reader will come to better understand the role of Otto Braun and the Comintern amidst the chaos of civil war.

Communist Stardom in the Cold War: Josip Broz Tito in Western and Yugoslav Photography, 1943-1980 Nikolina Kurtovic Doctor of Philosophy Department of Art University of Toronto 2010 Abstract This dissertation examines the iconographic and ideological aspects of the public image of Josip Broz Tito, the communist leader of Socialist Yugoslavia and one of the major historical personalities of the twentieth century. By studying the specific historical, political, and cultural contexts of Tito’s changing iconography between 1943 and 1980, I considers a dynamic relationship between the Western and Eastern perspectives on his leadership style, personality, and role, as communicated in the idiom of Western photojournalism and celebrity photography, as well as the style of official presidential photography in Yugoslavia. I analyze photo-essays on Tito published in Life, Time, and Picture Post, and in the official Yugoslav magazines, Yugoslavia and Yugoslav Review, as well as his portraits by Yousuf Karsh and by Ivo Eterovic in his photo-book Tito’s Private Life. I engage the issues of image reception by studying fundamental stereotypes within the canon of Tito photography, exploring their relation to the popular and political discourses on war heroism, resistance myth, masculinity, leadership, communism, disease, romance, family, leisure and celebrity in the U.S. during World War Two and the Cold War. Tito’s photographs are compared with relevant examples in modern portrait photography, photojournalism, and European painting, thereby situating Tito’s example in the tradition of Western political image making, but also in relation to local traditions. My dissertation shows that the practical role of the cult of Tito in the American press during the Cold War was to render him and Yugoslavia as examples for the satellite countries, and to enlist popular support for U.S. policy. It also helped Tito navigate a political crisis following his 1948 break with Stalin. The iconography created in this context contributed to the genesis and modernizing of Yugoslav presidential photography in the 1950s. Appropriating the rhetoric and formal devices of Western celebrity and glamour photography, Yugoslav photographs created a set of presidential stereotypes and their photographs were bearers of the conventional narrative of Tito’s presidency in Yugoslav magazines and books addressing Western audiences between 1960 and 1980. My dissertation underscores the role of cross-cultural contacts and contexts for developing, maintaining, and understanding of Tito’s publicity and celebrity in the West.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Department of Political Science, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

Proefschrift--Universiteit de Louvain. / At head of title: Bibliotheek van de Handelshoogeschool der Universiteit te Leuven. "Voornaamste geraadpleegde literatuur": p. [300]-305.

Thesis--M. Phil., University of Hong Kong, 1982.

Thesis--M. Phil., University of Hong Kong.

At present the literature of counter-monument studies does not account for the complex interactions of irony and nostalgia in memorial spaces. The three case studies examined in this project show that nostalgia can produce critically engaging spaces of deliberation depending on how ironic commemoration intervenes in comic or tragic frames. In order to show that more rhetorical focus is possible, I have challenged the conceptualization of counter-monument studies through what I have termed the “ironic monumental disruption.” Monument studies must address how the idea of the counter-monument, in which the "counter" supposedly resides in the artifact itself, valorizes monolithic critiques and fails to recognize that contexts, interactions, and artifacts all shape the symbolism of the commemorative site. Alternatively, ironic monumental disruptions offer critical and deliberative opportunities in their interactions with visitors and provide more conceptual insight into transitional commemorative practices. The monuments reviewed in this project initially appeared to provide additional reinforcement for escapist, capitalist narratives, but my examination of them has revealed that allowing for (ironic) commemorative contradictions provides discursive openings for publics unknowingly silenced by a lack of public deliberation. Commemorative irony produces valuable insights into the current historical moment and the representational issues created by ideological transitions. The citizens of Bosnia, Bulgaria, and Hungary express varying levels of nostalgia about their communist past, which is why the commemorative sites within these countries create a valuable spectrum of ironic and nostalgic entanglements. Commemorative irony produces valuable insights into the current historical moment and the representational issues created by ideological transitions. / text