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This thesis deals with the regional functioning of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia at the regional level in the first years after the end of the Second World War, specifically the Regional Committee of the Communist Party in Brno, which at that time was headed by the regional secretary Otto Šling. He was arrested in October 1950 as an enemy of the party and the state. He then became the key figure in the political process with Rudolf Slánský, the Communist Party's general secretary. Otto Šling was a former interbrigadist in the civil war in Spain in the period from 1936 to 1939. During the Second World War, this communist politician of Jewish descent participated in the Czechoslovak anti-nazi resistance movement in the Great Britain. These facts certainly contributed to his arrest in 1950 and his later condemnation and execution in 1952. Otto Šling was one of the first senior officials of the Communist Party to be a target of the policy of seeking "class enemies" in the Communist movement in Czechoslovakia. The inhuman brutal investigation of his person led to the prosecution of the second man in the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, Rudolf Slánský. However, this work is primarily focused on Šling's activities in the Brno branch of the Communist Party between 1945 and 1950 in connection with his...

The thesis deals with propaganda poster as a specific medium of communist propaganda between 1948 - 1956. The first part describes a historical context regarding the social, political and economical reconstruction. The thesis is focusing on poster as a specific tool of propaganda concerning a connection to Soviet Union and a socialist realism as an official art style. At the same time the thesis is describing the communist propaganda and its characteristic elements with the connection to a new media control and censorship. The propaganda poster is viewed as a distinctive medium used by communist propaganda for a persuasion and ideological influence to society. The thesis is focusing on posters oriented on building a new attitudes to work and work process as a typical part of first years of communist regime in the time of building of a socialism in Czechoslovakia. Based on archive files the work is describing how and in which institutions were the posters controled and created. The last part is trying to bring an analysis of specificgroups of posters from the representation, stereotypes, input contect, typical rhetoric and symbols point of view.

Jiří Pilip Prague 9, District committee, Czechoslovak communist party, Trade union, Social structure English abstrakt The diploma thesis deals with structure of communist party and trade union in district of Prague 9, District committe of Communist party itself, Application of communist party mechanism on trade unions and other parts of mass social organisation on Prague 9 as Czechoslovak youth union, Czechoslovak- soviet friendship union , Local action committee of national union.

Diploma thesis focus on depicting functions of Local comitee oc Comunistic party of Czechoslovakia in district of Prague 9 on local level. It describe processes which had preceded its own decision on particular events as seizure of power by Czechoslovak Communist Party in February 1948. It centres on the issues solved by CCP as party education process or different variety of work initiatives as well as relationshisp between CCP Prague 9 and other organization anticipated on the process. Key words Communist party of Czechoslovakia, Prague 9 district, Work initiatives, , party education, social organisation,

This thesis deals with political developments in Croatia since the beginning of 1989 to the first multiparty elections in the spring of 1990. It analyzes the evolution of attitudes of Croatian communists to the Yugoslav crisis and activity of opposition groups during this period. The main emphasis is on the attitudes of Croatian ruling and alternative political elites against national and constitutional questions. Attention is paid to the development of so-called Serbian Question in Croatia. The thesis analyses the development of political pluralism in the territory of Croatia and the activities of the Croatian Democratic Union and Croatian Social Liberal Party. The thesis is based on a detailed analysis of the contemporary press and memoir and secondary literature. Keywords: Yugoslavia, Croatia, Communist Party, nationalism, election

The thesis deals with the emergence of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and its development in the 1920s. The first part is devoted to the historical roots of the socialist movement in Austria-Hungary and the Czech lands and maps the birth of the Communist Party from the left wing of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Workers' Party. Furthermore, the thesis focuses on the policy and internal development of the Communist Party in the 1920s in connection with its relationship to the Communist International. It also describes the most important events that influenced the party, individual congresses of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, their conclusions and in the context there is explained the strategic-tactical direction of the party. The thesis also monitors the development of communist agitation before the parliamentary elections of 1925 and 1929 and the results of these elections. The work uses specialized literature, protocols of individual congresses of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and articles from the period press. KEYWORDS Czechoslovakia, political party, communism, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, bolshevization

In my diploma thesis I came to the conclusion that the frequency of mentions about Edvard Beneš fluctuated in the monitored media. From the examined periods, Rudé právo, Lidová demokracie and Svobodné slovo most often wrote about him in 1968 (a total of 37 mentions), in 1958 there were 32 mentions and in 1978 and 1988 there were 25 mentions. On the contrary, in sum of all the examined periods, there were only a few mentions in some years - for example, in 1983 there were 4 mentions, in 1948 there were 8 mentions and in 1973 there were 10 mentions. Rudé právo most often wrote about Edvard Beneš (96 references in all), in Svobodné slovo 47 and in Lidová demokracie 37. This can be explained by the fact that during the Communist regime Rudé právo had more pages than the other two newspapers and it also paid more attention to politics. In the researched media, Edvard Beneš was most often mentioned in connection with the February coup d'état anniversaries. In the qualitative analysis, I came to the conclusion that the studied newspapers mostly wrote about Edvard Beneš neutrally (57 percent of all mentions), negative references were 35 percent, and 8 percent were positive. During the 1950s, the analysed media was mostly critical to Edvard Beneš. However, in 1963 I noticed 50 percent of neutral references....

Les usages politiques du passé de la Résistance sont au cœur de cette thèse. Cette recherche n’entend donc pas se centrer sur la Résistance au sens strict, mais sur les formes d’instrumentalisation de ce passé, au sein d’un groupe : le Parti Communiste Français. Parmi les passés choisis par le PCF, la Résistance occupe une place déterminante, en raison du réel engagement communiste dans l’armée des ombres, ainsi qu’en raison du brevet de patriotisme qu’elle offrait à une formation créditée d’une fidélité aveugle à Moscou. La participation des communistes à l’épopée résistante leur a permis de reconquérir de la crédibilité et de consolider leur position dans un espace public où ils risquaient d’être disqualifiés en raison des positions adoptées par le parti en 1939-1941. La pluralité des significations attachées à ce passé et la fluidité des interprétations attribuées ont permis l’adaptation à la réalité dans laquelle agissaient les communistes. Ainsi, il a été possible de répondre aux objectifs divers que s’assignait le PCF. La période étudiée s’ouvre en 1944, avec la libération d’une grande partie du territoire français, même si la guerre n’est alors pas finie. L’étude s’achève avec l’année 1974, date significative que signale le XXXème anniversaire de la Libération dans le contexte national de la fin des Trente Glorieuses. / The political exploitation of its involvement in the resistance movement is the subject of this thesis. The objective of this study is not the Resistance per se but how it was used for political purposes by the French Communist Party. The Resistance is an essential period for the FCP not only because of its real involvement in the Resistance movement but also because this involvement was used to hide its blind alliance to Moscow. The involvement of the FCP in the Resistance allowed it to regain credibility and to strengthen its position in despite the errors committed between 1939 and 1941. The multiple interpretations and exploitations of its involvement in the Resistance were adapted by the party according to its political objectives and needs in any given moment. The historical period of this research begin in 1944 with the Liberation and ends in 1974, the 30th Anniversary of this date.

Nessa dissertação, realizou-se um estudo sobre a história organizativa e política do Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB), de 1922 a 1935. Durante o período analisado, o Partido passou por duas mudanças no conjunto tático adotado. No entanto, passou por quatro linhas estratégicas diferentes. De 1922 a 1929, adotou um conjunto tático de estilo subcultural. Buscou se tornar o representante máximo do proletariado e das massas trabalhadoras, adotando formas de lutas pacíficas. De 1930 a 1934, o PCB passou por um período de luta interna acirrado, abandonando o estilo subcultural. Ao final de 1934 e até o início de 1936, foi adotado pela organização o estilo da luta direta pelo poder. No entanto, de 1922 a 1925, o PCB teve como linha estratégica a autoconstrução como ferramenta de luta. Era mais importante organizar o Partido do que combater um inimigo específico. De 1926 a 1929, foi adotada a linha estratégica de Frente Única, mas negando-se a realização de coalisões. De 1930 a 1933, foi adotada a linha denominada classe contra classe, que negava a possibilidade de qualquer aliança com a pequena burguesia radicalizada. De 1934 a 1935, foi adotada a linha da Frente Popular, que significou a atuação através da Aliança Nacional Libertadora (ANL). Durante os treze anos que vão de 1922 a 1935, houve debilidade na capacidade organizativa. Os membros do partido eram frequentemente presos e as direções nacionais sempre tiveram dificuldades em manter contatos com as direções regionais e essas com os órgãos de base. Na prática, tratou-se de uma organização que não possuía quadros revolucionários formados. A ausência de quadros é o que explica a incapacidade de formular táticas eficazes. E mesmo as táticas formuladas eram, em geral, mal aplicadas, como observavam os próprios militantes à época. / In this dissertation, it was carried out a study on the organizational and political history of the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), 1922-1935. During the analyzed period, the Party went through two tactical changes. However, it went through four different strategic lines. From 1922 to 1929, it adopted the subcultural tactical style. It sought to become the highest representative of the proletariat and the working masses, adopting forms of peaceful struggle. From 1930 to 1934, the PCB has gone through a period of internal fighting, abandoning the subcultural style. At the end of 1934 and by early 1936, it adopted the style of direct struggle. However, from 1922 to 1925, the PCB had as a strategic line the self-construction. It was more important to organize the party then to fight a specific enemy. From 1926 to 1929, it adopted the strategic line of the United Front, but denying the realization of coalitions. From 1930 to 1933, it adopted the line \"class against class\", which denied the possibility of any alliance with the radicalized small bourgeoisie. From 1934 to 1935, it adopted the line of the Popular Front, which meant acting through the Aliança Nacional Libertadora (ANL). During the thirteen years from 1922 to 1935, there were problems at its leaderships have always had difficulty maintaining contact with regional leaderships and militants. In practice, it was an organization that had no revolutionary cadres formed. The absence of revolutionary cadres is what explains the inability to build effective tactics. And even if the tactics were formulated, it was generally misapplied.