This Master’s thesis examines the reasons for the failure of the Soviet advisers’ mission in Chinese warlord Feng Yuxiang’s army in 1925-1927. The USSR had strategic interests in Northern China and needed an ally to help it promote them. Soviet leadership chose prominent Chinese political and military leader Feng Yuxiang as one of its main allies in Northern China and sent advisers to help him strengthen and indoctrinate his army. This mission’s goals were to establish close relations with Feng and his officers, to influence the organizational and military planning of his army and to promote Soviet nationalist and ideological interests. However, the Soviet advisers did not succeed. This thesis focuses on the three main reasons of the mission’s failure: the advisers’ group’s political, ideological and internal problems. Chapter I examines Soviet strategic interests in North China as well as reasons for Soviet-Feng alliance. Chapter II discusses the conflicts between Feng and advisers that were caused by differences in their political views, strategic interests and plans for China’s future. It also focuses on the ideological differences between Feng and the Soviet advisers, including Feng’s disapproval of the communist ideology and the advisers’ disapproval of Feng’s use of Christianity to improve the discipline in his army. Finally, Chapter III discusses a factor that has long been neglected in other studies: the group’s internal problems. Indeed, insufficient preparation of the mission caused communicational and cultural issues on a personal level between the advisers and Feng Yuxiang’s officers. This thesis brings together information from previous works and uses rare documents from the Communist International archives. Declassified advisers’ reports and letters, in combination with personal memoires of the survived advisers, allow the study to research this topic in a new, more personal perspective. / Graduate / 2019-09-06

O debate sobre o socialismo americano começa no inicio do Século XIX e foi ganhando adeptos conforme cresceu sua importância dentro das sociedades latinas americanas. Ao mesmo tempo, foi seguido de várias rupturas e continuidades, várias e ricas abordagens sobre a Sociedade. O presente estudo busca resgatar essa contribuição e busca realizar um exame da organização do pensamento comunista e da III Internacional na América Latina. Este estudo desenvolve um panorama do inicio da formação do pensamento socialista no continente na primeira metade do Século XIX e centra sua preocupação em observar como foi o encontro entre o pensamento comunista latino americano e o comunismo da III Internacional. Ao mesmo tempo, detêm-se no impacto que a filiação dos partidos comunistas latino americano a III internacional teve no processo de amadurecimento de suas idéias, estratégicas e táticas, na ação política e na formação de um ideário de superação do Capitalismo pelo Socialismo. / The debate about American socialism starts at the beginning of ninetieth century and won adepts as its importance grew up inside the latin-american societies. At the same time, was followed by several ruptures and continuities, several and valiant approaches about the society. This study seeks to rescue this contribution and seeks an examination of the communist thought organization and the III International in Latin-America. This study develops a panorama of the socialist thought beginning in the continent at the first half of ninetieth century and focus its preoccupation on observe how was the meeting between latin-american communist thought and the III International communism. At the same time, arrests in the impact that the filiation of Latin-American communist parties the III International had in the ripening process of its strategically ideas and tactics on political action and the formation of an ideology about an overcoming of the Capitalism by Socialism.

This thesis explores the pervasive political divide within Canada’s Hungarian communities between communists and nationalist conservatives. Both sides in this conflict struggled for ownership of Hungarian national symbols and the right to be seen as the “true” guardians of Hungarian identity in Canada. While religious differences between Roman Catholic and Calvinist Hungarian immigrants served as a divisive force in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the arrival of a massive wave of new immigrants from the lands of the defunct Austro-Hungarian Empire after the First World War introduced into Canada the fiery political divisions between the far left and right that engulfed Hungary in 1918/19. Throughout the interwar period, during the Second World War and in the Cold War era, successive regimes in Budapest intervened, further politicized and divided Canada’s Hungarian communities, separating them into “loyal” and “disloyal” camps. But both communist and conservative Hungarian-Canadian leaders demonstrated a significant level of agency by often charting their own course and thus confounding their allies in Budapest. This thesis argues that Hungarian-Canadian communists only paid lip service to the Marxist language of class conflict, while national self-identification trumped class-based identity or internationalism, and conservative nationalists represented a large, politically heterogeneous camp, divided by generational conflicts and tensions between immigrant cohorts.

The thesis is focused on the controversy of the interpretation of Tomáš Baťa, Jan Antonín Baťa and Tomáš Jan baťa a their company. In the first chapter I analyze the Baťa's system - advantages and disadvantages. Later I focus on communist literature which describes Baťa, a.s. as ruthless company. In the third chapter I show authores who wrote about Baťa - grateful businessman.

The aim of the diploma thesis is to give the most objective and comprehensive view of the personality of Dominika Tatarka primarily from the historical perspective, but also from a literary critical perspective. The view of the creation will, as far as possible, be done in cross-section, with an accent on the autobiographical features of the work, demonstrating a radical view of the communist regime. Emphasis will be given, in particular, to the period of the 70s and 80s of the 20th century with relevant time transitions. The historical perspective will seek to bring the role of the writer's community in the reform movement of the sixties of the 20th century in a wider context and to clarify the specifics of Slovak dissent, with emphasis on the position of Dominika Tatarka in it.

Humor as a Mirror of Political Reality: Anti-Communist humor in the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia in comparative perspective Author: Arevik Zadoyan Supervisor: Janusz Salamon, Ph.D. Academic Year: 2019/2020 Abstract Humor is an important part of our daily lives though sometimes it is overlooked by historians and those studying politics. This thesis explores anti-communist jokes in the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia in order to answer the question of whether or not humor is able to accurately mirror the political reality of a given country. After an extensive research, this thesis supports the argument that political humor in the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia provided an accurate description of the regime, meaning jokes were not only meant to humor the audience but they were also informative and touched upon questions such as foreign policies, domestic life, ethnic and religious issues, personality cults of their leaders, propaganda and censorship, and much more. But even though both countries had anti-communist jokes, some characteristics (e.g., context, form, length) varied. Furthermore, since jokes are time specific, the pattern of differentiation is also present chronologically.

The aim of the thesis is to find out, if is the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia an anti-system party. The theoretical framework shall be based on works by authors who have dealt with the theory antisystemicity. First of all, the theory G. Sartori and G. Capoccia. From this is deduced operationalized definition of antisystemicity which is applied in the practical part. This definition is divided into two main points: delegitimizing effect and democracy. The thesis uses analytical method to reach its goal, primarily analyzes the intra-party documents. This thesis also analyzes documents describing the future look of the socialist society that the KSČM would like to achieve. In conclusion thesis comes to the fact that the Communist Party fulfill features of antisystemicity only partially. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

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Recognized as one of the most revolutionary labor unions in America during the early twentieth-century by the general public and the federal government, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) separated themselves from the rest of the labor unions because of their success in executing general strikes and their brash appeal. The group advocated tactics which, the organization believed, would strengthen the country's labor movement, which included “dual unionism” and a stance against politically affiliated groups. During a period of poor labor conditions and inadequate income with long working hours the United States experienced a swell of labor unions that looked to change the status quo. The IWW fought for industrial workers as opposed to craft workers, which meant the organization consisted of those who were rejected from craft union groups such as immigrant as well as ethnic workers. The creation of the IWW was a response to the monopoly the American Federation of Labor (AFL) held over the rest of the labor unions. As one of its primary qualities, the IWW separated itself from the AFL and other labor groups by enforcing its “dual unionist” stance, which prohibited any IWW member from infiltrating said labor unions. Towards the end of World War I the Bolshevik Party inside Russia overthrew the Tsar and the provisional government during the Russian Revolution. The Bolsheviks then created a state in which the workers held control of the country. While the Communist ideology and the syndicalist beliefs of the IWW were not identical, leaders of the IWW saw the advantages of supporting Communism. However, the General Executive Board (GEB) of the IWW prohibited affiliation with the Communist Party, as the organization felt threatened by the party's attraction. Remaining firm in its stance as a “dual unionist” organization the IWW disassociated itself from the Communist Party. The inability for the GEB to compromise on tactics that could have potentially amalgamate the two groups shrank the organization. Former IWW members, such as Bill Haywood, William Z. Foster, and James P. Cannon left the IWW and joined the Communist Party with hopes of furthering America's labor movement. To better understand what life was like for labor activists in the early twentieth-century one has to see the progressions workers took to achieve their goals. In this case, “history from above,” represented by the three former IWW members already mentioned, (Haywood, Foster, and Cannon) shows how change was accomplished by the transition from one organization to another. The IWW was a change from previous labor groups in the 1900s and 1910s, but became stagnate as the organization refused to alternate the tactics it implemented. In order to establish a successful labor movement, collaboration was paramount, which, in turn, rejected the concept of “dual unionism.”