O objetivo principal deste trabalho é refletir sobre como é construída a relação entre definitude e Caso no hebraico por meio da análise do Construct State e do fenômeno da Marcação Diferencial de Objeto. Dessa forma, pretendemos com essa pesquisa suscitar reflexões sobre o fenômeno da Definitude Espraiada, sobre a Teoria do Caso, sobre a formação do Construct State e dos compounds na sintaxe e sobre a semântica do et. Utilizamos para a análise dos dados o arcabouço teórico da Morfologia Distribuída (Cf. HALLE; MARANTZ (1993), HALLE (1997) e MARANTZ (1997)), além das últimas observações feitas acerca do Programa Minimalista (Cf. CHOMSKY (1998, 2001)), ambos desenvolvimentos recentes da Teoria Gerativa. Assim sendo, de modo diferente de outras análises do Construct State, que não levam em consideração os compostos, nossa análise proporciona uma explicação para a formação, tanto do Construct State, quanto dos compounds, na sintaxe, focalizando a estrutura de cada uma dessas construções: o primeiro possuindo uma estrutura composta de duas raízes abstratas e o segundo constituído apenas por uma raiz. A estrutura dos compounds procura refletir a não composicionalidade entre os dois nomes que o formam. Já a estrutura do Construct State privilegia a composicionalidade dos membros do construto, a Definitude Espraiada e a não modificação direta do núcleo. Enfim, sugerimos que a relação entre Caso e definitude no hebraico seja uma relação formal e dependente. Formal, porque ela se expressa por meio dos traços dos nominais que devem ser valorados, checados, mantidos para a inserção de conteúdo fonológico e, até mesmo, inseridos tardiamente pelo Componente Morfológico. Dependente, porque sem a definitude, Caso não pode ser checado. / The main aim of this work is to investigate the relationship between definiteness and Case in Hebrew. This will be done by analyzing the Construct State and the phenomenon of Differential Object Marking. By doing so, we intend to shed some light on the phenomenon of Definiteness Spreading, on the Case Theory, on the Construct State and syntactic compounds and on the semantics of ´et. In order to analyze the data, we worked within the framework of Distributed Morphology (Cf. HALLE; MARANTZ (1993), HALLE (1997) e MARANTZ (1997)), considering, as well, the Minimalist Program (Cf. CHOMSKY (1998, 2001)), both of them, recent developments of Generative Theory. Due to this fact - and differently from other Construct State analysis that dont take the compounds into consideration our analysis provides an explanation for the formation of both the Construct State and the syntactic compounds. This is achieved by focusing on the structure of these constructions: the former is a structure derived from two abstract roots, and the later is formed by a single root. The structure of the compounds aims at reflecting the non-compositional interpretation, which is typical in these cases. The Construct State structure, on the other hand, emphasizes the compositionality in its interpretation, the Definiteness Spreading and the non-direct modification of the head. In other words, we suggest that the relationship between Case and definiteness in Hebrew is a formal and dependent one. It is formal because it is expressed by the features of the nominal that must be valued, checked, maintained for proper insertion of phonological content, and late-inserted by the Morphological Component; and it is dependent because Case cannot be checked without definiteness.

O objetivo principal deste trabalho é refletir sobre como é construída a relação entre definitude e Caso no hebraico por meio da análise do Construct State e do fenômeno da Marcação Diferencial de Objeto. Dessa forma, pretendemos com essa pesquisa suscitar reflexões sobre o fenômeno da Definitude Espraiada, sobre a Teoria do Caso, sobre a formação do Construct State e dos compounds na sintaxe e sobre a semântica do et. Utilizamos para a análise dos dados o arcabouço teórico da Morfologia Distribuída (Cf. HALLE; MARANTZ (1993), HALLE (1997) e MARANTZ (1997)), além das últimas observações feitas acerca do Programa Minimalista (Cf. CHOMSKY (1998, 2001)), ambos desenvolvimentos recentes da Teoria Gerativa. Assim sendo, de modo diferente de outras análises do Construct State, que não levam em consideração os compostos, nossa análise proporciona uma explicação para a formação, tanto do Construct State, quanto dos compounds, na sintaxe, focalizando a estrutura de cada uma dessas construções: o primeiro possuindo uma estrutura composta de duas raízes abstratas e o segundo constituído apenas por uma raiz. A estrutura dos compounds procura refletir a não composicionalidade entre os dois nomes que o formam. Já a estrutura do Construct State privilegia a composicionalidade dos membros do construto, a Definitude Espraiada e a não modificação direta do núcleo. Enfim, sugerimos que a relação entre Caso e definitude no hebraico seja uma relação formal e dependente. Formal, porque ela se expressa por meio dos traços dos nominais que devem ser valorados, checados, mantidos para a inserção de conteúdo fonológico e, até mesmo, inseridos tardiamente pelo Componente Morfológico. Dependente, porque sem a definitude, Caso não pode ser checado. / The main aim of this work is to investigate the relationship between definiteness and Case in Hebrew. This will be done by analyzing the Construct State and the phenomenon of Differential Object Marking. By doing so, we intend to shed some light on the phenomenon of Definiteness Spreading, on the Case Theory, on the Construct State and syntactic compounds and on the semantics of ´et. In order to analyze the data, we worked within the framework of Distributed Morphology (Cf. HALLE; MARANTZ (1993), HALLE (1997) e MARANTZ (1997)), considering, as well, the Minimalist Program (Cf. CHOMSKY (1998, 2001)), both of them, recent developments of Generative Theory. Due to this fact - and differently from other Construct State analysis that dont take the compounds into consideration our analysis provides an explanation for the formation of both the Construct State and the syntactic compounds. This is achieved by focusing on the structure of these constructions: the former is a structure derived from two abstract roots, and the later is formed by a single root. The structure of the compounds aims at reflecting the non-compositional interpretation, which is typical in these cases. The Construct State structure, on the other hand, emphasizes the compositionality in its interpretation, the Definiteness Spreading and the non-direct modification of the head. In other words, we suggest that the relationship between Case and definiteness in Hebrew is a formal and dependent one. It is formal because it is expressed by the features of the nominal that must be valued, checked, maintained for proper insertion of phonological content, and late-inserted by the Morphological Component; and it is dependent because Case cannot be checked without definiteness.

Abstract: This dissertation investigates the syntax and also some aspects of the morphology of Tharifith Berber (such as, the inflectional classes of nouns and the Construct State) within the Distributed Morphology framework (Halle & Marantz 1993, et al.). One of its main objectives is to demonstrate how morphology could be brought within the range of syntax. This view becomes apparent when inflectional morphemes which project in the syntax are also used to derive words. Contrary to what has always been reported, that Berber is an unquestionable VSO language, I show that Tharifith has now shifted to a Topic-Initial configurational system. This claim is based on two pieces of evidence: (1) the SVO order is preferred over VSO, (2) when the object is a clitic both the verb and the clitic are required to be in the initial position of the clause. I propose an account arguing that the two alternations instantiate a Topic-fronting phenomenon, which requires the initial position of the clause to be filled with Topic. Of interest to word order is another property displayed by some WH- complex clauses which require Verb-First. A careful analysis of the structure of these clauses reveals that this is an instantiation of V-to-C movement, also known as the verb second phenomenon (V2). While the movement to the initial position in the main clause is argued to be motivated by Topic, I show that V2 is motivated by the feature Focus which needs to be checked in C. Due to the fact that this operation is sensitive to the phonological property of the complementiser, I make the claim that discourse features, at least in Berber, should be generated at PF. Despite the fact that the subject, object and dative clitics are often grouped under the ‘clitic – banner,’ I show that the first set displays the properties of agreement markers on the verb while the other two sets are claimed to be argument XPs. The approach takes an in-depth theoretical approach to the study of clitics. In a framework where syntax operates on purely formal features, and taking on board the view that clitics as arguments have the formal features required by the computation identical to the ones found with lexical NPs, it is argued that any other distinction between the two sets of arguments is made post-syntactically. Argument structure is then claimed to follow from a fairly small number of principles which govern their syntactic system. The study discusses the movement of clitics at length, and argues it to be phonological. Crucial to the analysis is the fact that this movement operation is not only dependent on the phonological property of clitics but is also dependent on the property of functional elements that host them. Evidence is provided which shows that only functional categories that are phonologically dependent can be hosts. I then conclude that cliticisation is in fact an attraction by the host, a process which occurs during the mapping of the syntactic output to phonology. I further argue that this type of PF merger which is claimed to generate the placement of clitics is constrained by an adjacency relation. Additional support to the claim that morphology should be subject to syntactic principles is found with valency. I show that the system, in many respects, treats the structure of verbs and clauses along the same line. Furthermore, the meaning which is traditionally claimed to be inherent to words is shown from the verbal system to follow from the syntactic structure the verbs project.