Our understanding of the physical world has evolved drastically over the last century and the microstructure described by subatomic physics has been found to be far stranger than we could previously have envisaged. However, our corresponding model of experience and its structure has remained largely untouched. The orthodox view conceives of our experience as made up of a number of different simpler experiences that are largely independent of one another. This traditional atomistic picture is deeply entrenched. But I argue that it is wrong. Our experience is extraordinarily rich and complex. In just a few seconds we may see, hear and smell a variety of things, feel the position and movement of our body, experience a blend of emotions, and undergo a series of conscious thoughts. This very familiar fact generates three puzzling questions. The first question concerns the way in which all these different things are experienced together. What we see, for example, is experienced alongside what we hear. Our visual experience does not occur in isolation from our auditory experience, sealed off and separate. It is fused together in some sense. It is co-conscious. We may then ask the Unity Question: What does the unity of consciousness consist in? The second question is the Counting Question: How many experiences does a unified region of consciousness involve? Should we think of our experience at a time as consisting in just one very rich experience, in a handful of sense-specific experiences, or in many very simple experiences? How should we go about counting experiences? Is there any principled way to do so?The third and final question, the Dependency Question, concerns the degree of autonomy of the various different aspects of our unified experience. For example, would one's visual experience be the same if one's emotional experience differed? Is the apparent colour of a sunset affected by the emotional state that we are in at the time? I offer a new answer to the Unity Question and argue that it has striking implications for the way that we address the Counting Question and the Dependency Question. In particular, it supports the view that our experience at a time consists in just one very rich experience in which all of the different aspects are heavily interdependent.

Cette recherche démontre que, compte tenu des tendances passées dans les comportements individuels face à la participation au marché du travail, l’augmentation de l’âge normal de la retraite n’est ni urgente ni nécessaire au Canada si son seul objectif est de pallier une augmentation de la durée de la retraite. Par ailleurs, si l’accueil d’un nombre toujours grandissant d’immigrants alimente la croissance de la main-d’œuvre, il entraîne aussi un déficit fiscal non négligeable. Celui-ci est toutefois en bonne partie lié au sous-emploi de cette main-d’œuvre potentielle; sous-emploi qui affecte aussi la population native, alimentant ainsi les risques de pénurie de main-d’œuvre. D’une part, et contrairement à l’opinion répandue selon laquelle l’allongement de la vie a été accompagné d’un rétrécissement du nombre d’années dédiées au travail, la durée de vie au travail en 2016 a augmenté de 4,96 ans et représente une part plus importante de l’espérance de vie, soit 3,55 points de pourcentage, comparé à son niveau en 1981. En outre, bien que l’évolution de la structure par âge de la population ait exercé une pression à la baisse (−11,7%) sur la croissance de l’offre agrégée de travail, les changements de comportement individuel quant à la participation au travail (19,3%) et les heures travaillées (5,8%) ont plus que compensé cet effet, entre 1981 et 2016. Au cours de cette période, les comportements individuels, notamment la participation des femmes au marché du travail, ont connu de profonds changements. Si ces changements étaient déjà connus et pleinement documentés, la quantification de leur contribution à l’offre individuelle et agrégée de travail le sont moins. Cette étude vient combler ce vide. Par exemple, et comme on pouvait s’y attendre, la participation des femmes au marché du travail a été la principale source de l’offre additionnelle de travail entre 1981 et 2016, contribuant 9,6 ans (contre 0,25 an pour les hommes) au changement de la durée de vie au travail. Au vu de ces résultats, le vieillissement de la population n’a pas encore entraîné une diminution de la durée de la vie active qui justifierait une augmentation de l’âge normal de la retraite au Canada. D’autre part, si l’immigration explique à elle seule 32,9% de l’augmentation de l’offre de travail entre 1981 et 2016, cette contribution n’est pas à coût nul. Par exemple, entre 1997 et 2015, les immigrants, comparés aux natifs du même âge, ont reçu 110$ de plus et contribué 3 520$ de moins en transferts publics. Ainsi, au même âge, l’immigrant moyen a reçu 3 640 en transferts nets de plus que le natif moyen. Toutefois, 85% de ce surplus provient des déséquilibres sur le marché du travail, dont le sous-emploi de cette main-d’œuvre potentielle. En effet, les résultats de cette recherche montrent que le sous-emploi représente un défi important dans un contexte de vieillissement de la population et de pénurie de main-d’œuvre appréhendée. S’il touche plus durement la population immigrante, il affecte aussi les natifs. Ainsi, en moyenne entre 1981 et 2016, 20,1% des travailleurs canadiens ont été en situation de sous-emploi, alors que le plein emploi aurait contribué à l’ajout de 1,5 million (±0,2) de travailleurs équivalent temps plein. Ces résultats découlent de l’application de plusieurs méthodes notamment la méthode de Sullivan (Sullivan, 1971), le modèle de changement continu (Horiuchi et al., 2008) ainsi que l’optimal matching et l’analyse des clusters sur un large éventail de données. Les sources de données incluent les recensements, les estimations de la population, les enquêtes sur la main-d’œuvre, la santé, et la consommation, au Canada et aux États-Unis. Cette recherche vient nuancer certaines des conséquences prétendues du vieillissement de la population sur la main-d’œuvre canadienne, tout en apportant un nouvel éclairage sur les solutions à mettre de l’avant afin de faire face à certains défis au cours des prochaines décennies. Si l’immigration peut ici jouer un rôle non négligeable, un meilleur arrimage entre l’offre et la demande de travail réduirait le sous-emploi parmi l’ensemble de la population canadienne, tout en améliorant leur niveau de vie. Les discussions sur l’augmentation de l’âge normal de la retraite ou des quotas d’immigration ne peuvent ignorer un tel constat. / This research demonstrates that, given past trends in individual behaviour in the labour market, increasing the normal retirement age is neither urgent nor necessary in Canada if its sole purpose is to offset an increase in the duration of retirement. Moreover, while the inflow of ever-increasing numbers of immigrants fuels labour force growth, it also creates a significant fiscal deficit. However, this deficit is largely related to the underemployment of this potential workforce, which also affects the native population, thus fuelling the risk of labour shortages. On the one hand, and contrary to the widespread opinion that population ageing has led to shrinking worklife for financing longer lifespan, Worklife Duration increased by 4,96 years and 3,55 percentage points of life expectancy over the last four decades. Furthermore, although the change in the age structure of the population has put a slight downward pressure (−11,7%) on the growth of aggregated labour supply, changes in individual behaviour regarding labour participation (19,3%) and worked hours (5,8%) have more than compensated for this effect between 1981 and 2016. During this period, individual behaviours, including women’s participation in the labour market, have undergone profound changes. While these changes were already known and fully documented, their contribution to individual and aggregate labour supply is less so. This study fills this gap. For example, and not surprisingly, women’s participation in the labour market was the main source of additional labour supply between 1981 and 2016, contributing 9,6 years (compared to 0,25 year for men) to the change in worklife duration. Given these results, population aging has not yet resulted in a decrease in working life which would justify an increase in the normal retirement age in Canada. On the other hand, while immigration alone accounts for 32,9% of the increased labour supply between 1981 and 2016, this contribution is at not zero cost. For example, between 1997 and 2015, immigrants, compared to natives at the same age, received $110 more and contributed $ 3 520 less, in public transfer. As a result, the average immigrant has received $3 640 in net transfer more than the average native. However, 85% of this deficit arises from the labour market imbalances such as the underemployment of this potential labour supply. Indeed, the results of this research show that underemployment represents a major challenge in the context of an aging population and a perceived labour shortage. While it affects the immigrant population most severely, it is also prevalent among native workers. Thus, on average, between 1981 and 2016, 20,1% of Canadian workers were underemployed, while full employment would have contributed an additional 1,5 million (±0,2) full-time equivalent workers. This study uses various methods, including the Sullivan method (Sullivan, 1971) and the model of continuous change (Horiuchi et al., 2008), as well as optimal matching and cluster analysis on a wide range of data. The data sources include censuses, population estimates, labour force, and health and consumer surveys in Canada and the United States. This research brings new evidence to the debates around the consequences of population aging on the Canadian workforce while shedding new light on the solutions to be put for facing the challenges in the coming decades. While immigration can play an important role, a better match between labour supply and demand would reduce underemployment among the Canadian population while improving their standard of living. Discussions about increasing the normal retirement age or immigration quotas cannot ignore such a finding.