Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 1999. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 228-238). Available also in a digital version from Dissertation Abstracts.

O presente trabalho propõe-se a realizar uma análise do contencioso administrativo brasileiro no século XIX, de forma panorâmica, a partir da figura central, estruturante, do Conselho de Estado. Valendo-se das investigações historiográficas mais recentes, amparadas em fontes primárias e fundamentação empírica, busca contribuir com uma tentativa de interpretação sobre o papel desempenhado pelo órgão no contexto da formação e consolidação do Estado brasileiro e no quadro constitucional do período, desde o prisma teórico e filosófico de um contributo que se pretendeu colher na tradição clássica. Para tanto, utiliza os conceitos da razão prática (phronesis), bem como a doutrina de justiça em Aristóteles, dentre outros, para percorrer a doutrina da Teoria do Estado e parte da História do Estado Moderno em busca dos modelos e influências que repercutiram na caudal de fatores que forjaram o Estado Nacional no tempo de D. Pedro II e que, em última medida, garantiram a ordem e a unidade do país. Nesse cruzamento de perspectivas, fez-se uma comparação com a França, de cujo modelo, o Brasil se inspirou mais de perto, para a criação do que ficou conhecido como o Terceiro Conselho de Estado. Por outro lado, o estudo do contencioso administrativo imperial é também um resgate dos primórdios do Direito Público em geral e especialmente do Direito Administrativo brasileiros, a merecer novos estudos e desenvolvimentos. / This paper proposes to undertake an analysis for Administrative Contentious of Brazil in the nineteenth century, so panoramic, from the central figure, structuring of the Council of State. Utilizing the latest historiographical investigations, supported by primary sources and empirical foundation, seeks to contribute to an attempt at interpretation of the role played by the agency in connection with the formation and consolidation of the Brazilian state and the constitutional framework of the period, from the theoretical perspective and a philosophical contribution was intended spoon in the classic tradition. Therefore, using the concepts of practical reason (phronesis) as well as the doctrine of justice in Aristotle, among others, to traverse the doctrine of the Theory of the State and part of the history of the modern state in search of models and influences that affected the flow factors that forged the nation state in D. Pedro II and that in the final measure, secured order and unity of the country. At this intersection of perspectives, made a comparison with France, whose model, Brazil has inspired more closely to the creation of what became known as the Third Council of State. Moreover, the study of imperial administrative contentious, is also a rescue of early public law in general and especially the Brazilian Administrative Law, deserving further studies and developments.

O presente trabalho propõe-se a realizar uma análise do contencioso administrativo brasileiro no século XIX, de forma panorâmica, a partir da figura central, estruturante, do Conselho de Estado. Valendo-se das investigações historiográficas mais recentes, amparadas em fontes primárias e fundamentação empírica, busca contribuir com uma tentativa de interpretação sobre o papel desempenhado pelo órgão no contexto da formação e consolidação do Estado brasileiro e no quadro constitucional do período, desde o prisma teórico e filosófico de um contributo que se pretendeu colher na tradição clássica. Para tanto, utiliza os conceitos da razão prática (phronesis), bem como a doutrina de justiça em Aristóteles, dentre outros, para percorrer a doutrina da Teoria do Estado e parte da História do Estado Moderno em busca dos modelos e influências que repercutiram na caudal de fatores que forjaram o Estado Nacional no tempo de D. Pedro II e que, em última medida, garantiram a ordem e a unidade do país. Nesse cruzamento de perspectivas, fez-se uma comparação com a França, de cujo modelo, o Brasil se inspirou mais de perto, para a criação do que ficou conhecido como o Terceiro Conselho de Estado. Por outro lado, o estudo do contencioso administrativo imperial é também um resgate dos primórdios do Direito Público em geral e especialmente do Direito Administrativo brasileiros, a merecer novos estudos e desenvolvimentos. / This paper proposes to undertake an analysis for Administrative Contentious of Brazil in the nineteenth century, so panoramic, from the central figure, structuring of the Council of State. Utilizing the latest historiographical investigations, supported by primary sources and empirical foundation, seeks to contribute to an attempt at interpretation of the role played by the agency in connection with the formation and consolidation of the Brazilian state and the constitutional framework of the period, from the theoretical perspective and a philosophical contribution was intended spoon in the classic tradition. Therefore, using the concepts of practical reason (phronesis) as well as the doctrine of justice in Aristotle, among others, to traverse the doctrine of the Theory of the State and part of the history of the modern state in search of models and influences that affected the flow factors that forged the nation state in D. Pedro II and that in the final measure, secured order and unity of the country. At this intersection of perspectives, made a comparison with France, whose model, Brazil has inspired more closely to the creation of what became known as the Third Council of State. Moreover, the study of imperial administrative contentious, is also a rescue of early public law in general and especially the Brazilian Administrative Law, deserving further studies and developments.

Submitted by Adriano Moreira null (noadria1977@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-10-11T02:22:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 O ECA e a concretização dos direitos de crianças e adolescentes.pdf: 3152290 bytes, checksum: 69ca016f1662ca20beebf757f723d858 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-10-17T19:34:37Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 moreira_a_dr_rcla.pdf: 3152290 bytes, checksum: 69ca016f1662ca20beebf757f723d858 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-17T19:34:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 moreira_a_dr_rcla.pdf: 3152290 bytes, checksum: 69ca016f1662ca20beebf757f723d858 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-19 / Defendemos nesta pesquisa que o ECA apresenta diversos pontos de ruptura em relação aos antigos códigos de menores que o antecederam. Estes, em linhas gerais, constituíam-se como um arcabouço legal de caráter punitivo, fundamentado em práticas de vigilância e disciplina, destinadas, sobremaneira, a crianças e adolescentes pobres, concebidos como objetos de medidas judiciais e seres com propensão à imoralidade, à mendicância e ao crime (seja qualificando-os de abandonados, delinquentes, imorais ou em situação irregular). O ECA, ao contrário: afirma a criança e o adolescente como sujeitos peculiares, em processo de formação, que possuem diversos direitos; atribui, primariamente ao Estado, mas também à família e à sociedade, o dever de efetivar, com absoluta prioridade, os direitos consagrados a estes indivíduos; estabelece instrumentos de exigibilidade judicial e administrativa de direitos (ação mandamental e o Conselho Tutelar); e institui mecanismos de participação e de controle social (Conselho de Direitos e Conselho Tutelar), por meio dos quais, é possibilitado à sociedade interferir na elaboração, na execução e na avaliação das políticas públicas. Dentre estes quatro elementos, um nos pareceu o mais importante, ou seja, o grande ponto de ruptura introduzido pelo ECA: o Conselho de Direitos, a quem foi atribuída a responsabilidade de fazer com que as concepções e as ações propostas pela lei sejam colocadas em movimento e se materializem. Entretanto, com bases nos dados coletados (a partir de resoluções/deliberações proferidas pelo CONANDA, pelo CONDECA/SP e pelo CMDCA/Rio Claro), consideramos que este órgão não desempenha plenamente e satisfatoriamente sua função de controlador das políticas públicas na área da infância e da adolescência no país, tampouco tem promovido, efetivamente, uma articulação de esforços entre a União, os Estados e os municípios para a criação, o melhoramento e o reordenamento de serviços em prol de crianças e adolescentes. Ainda assim, avaliamos que, se por um lado, o Conselho de Direitos ainda não concretizou as diversas rupturas promovidas pelo ECA no plano formal, por outro, há indícios de que ele está trilhando um caminho para este fim. Tratou-se de pesquisa documental, de cunho qualitativo, em que recorremos à análise de conteúdo. Palavras-chave: ECA. Menorismo. Infância e Adolescência. Conselho de Direitos. Conselho Tutelar. / We stand in this research that the CAS has several points of break with ancient laws of children and adolescents that preceded it. These, in general, is constituted as a legal framework punitive, based on surveillance and discipline practices designed, excessively, the poor children and adolescents, conceived as objects of judicial measures and being prone to immorality, to beggary and crime (is calling them abandoned, delinquent, immoral or undocumented). The CAS, in turn: states the child and adolescent as a unique subject in the training process, which have various rights; attributed primarily to the State, but also to the family and society, the duty to carry out, with absolute priority, the rights granted to these individuals; establishes instruments for judicial and administrative liability rights (writ action and the Guardianship Council); and establishing mechanisms for participation and social control (Rights Council and Guardianship Council), through which it is made possible to society interfere in the development, implementation and evaluation of public policies. Among these four elements, one seemed to us the most important: Rights Council, who was given the responsibility to make the ideas and actions proposed by the law are placed in movement and materialize. However, with bases on the collected data (from resolutions/decisions made by the CONANDA at CONDECA/SP and the CMDCA/ Rio Claro), we believe that this body does not play fully and satisfactorily its controller role of public policy in the area of childhood and adolescents in the country, has neither promoted effectively a joint effort between the Union, states and municipalities for the establishment, improvement and reordering services for the benefit of children and adolescents. Still, we conclude that, on the one hand, the Rights Council has not materialized the various ruptures promoted by CAS in formal terms, on the other, there is evidence that he is treading a path to this end. This was documentary research, qualitative nature, in which we used the content analysis.

O presente trabalho propõe-se a realizar uma análise do contencioso administrativo brasileiro no século XIX, de forma panorâmica, a partir da figura central, estruturante, do Conselho de Estado. Valendo-se das investigações historiográficas mais recentes, amparadas em fontes primárias e fundamentação empírica, busca contribuir com uma tentativa de interpretação sobre o papel desempenhado pelo órgão no contexto da formação e consolidação do Estado brasileiro e no quadro constitucional do período, desde o prisma teórico e filosófico de um contributo que se pretendeu colher na tradição clássica. Para tanto, utiliza os conceitos da razão prática (phronesis), bem como a doutrina de justiça em Aristóteles, dentre outros, para percorrer a doutrina da Teoria do Estado e parte da História do Estado Moderno em busca dos modelos e influências que repercutiram na caudal de fatores que forjaram o Estado Nacional no tempo de D. Pedro II e que, em última medida, garantiram a ordem e a unidade do país. Nesse cruzamento de perspectivas, fez-se uma comparação com a França, de cujo modelo, o Brasil se inspirou mais de perto, para a criação do que ficou conhecido como o Terceiro Conselho de Estado. Por outro lado, o estudo do contencioso administrativo imperial é também um resgate dos primórdios do Direito Público em geral e especialmente do Direito Administrativo brasileiros, a merecer novos estudos e desenvolvimentos. / This paper proposes to undertake an analysis for Administrative Contentious of Brazil in the nineteenth century, so panoramic, from the central figure, structuring of the Council of State. Utilizing the latest historiographical investigations, supported by primary sources and empirical foundation, seeks to contribute to an attempt at interpretation of the role played by the agency in connection with the formation and consolidation of the Brazilian state and the constitutional framework of the period, from the theoretical perspective and a philosophical contribution was intended spoon in the classic tradition. Therefore, using the concepts of practical reason (phronesis) as well as the doctrine of justice in Aristotle, among others, to traverse the doctrine of the Theory of the State and part of the history of the modern state in search of models and influences that affected the flow factors that forged the nation state in D. Pedro II and that in the final measure, secured order and unity of the country. At this intersection of perspectives, made a comparison with France, whose model, Brazil has inspired more closely to the creation of what became known as the Third Council of State. Moreover, the study of imperial administrative contentious, is also a rescue of early public law in general and especially the Brazilian Administrative Law, deserving further studies and developments.

LL.M. (International Law) / Syria is currently embroiled in a bitter and bloody conflict which began three years ago, in the prime of what was commonly known as the Arab spring. The Syrian people clamoured for new leadership and greater freedoms. However, the hopes of an Arab spring soon faded into a cold, desolate Arab winter. Instead of acceding to the demands of the citizens, the Syrian president has sought to subdue and eliminate them. Resulting in August 2013 of the government forces reportedly unleashed deadly chemical weapons on opposition forces. The United Nations Security Council failed to embark on any action by this point, due to the first veto by Russia and China on 4 October 20113. The death toll subsequently peaked at over 100 000. Whilst on the 24th of November, 2013 following two days of conflict in the Eastern Ghouta region of Syria 160 people were killed. Could the devastation of Syria and its people have been avoided? Is there any organisation responsible for the safety and protection of the Syrian people? The answer lies in an organisation called the United Nations. The United Nations Security Council however has the primary responsibility to maintain international peace and security but this is not exclusive. Their primary function (as clearly stated in the United Nations Charter) is the responsibility for maintenance of international peace and security.

The thesis deals with preparation, process, results and evaluation of the first Czech Presidency of the Council of the European Union.

Elder rights in documents of the Council of Europe The aim of this thesis is to describe documents of the Council of Europe concerning Elderly people. Documents of the Council of Europe do not contain a definition of an elderly person - like, for example, the Interamerican Union or African Union documents. We have to first find the definition of the elderly where the Council of Europe documents call a person who is over 60 years of age "elderly".The documents of the Council of Europe are a tool that is designed to help the human rights of the elderly. The aim of the documents of the Council of Europe regarding elderly people is to protect and improve the situation of the elderly who are because of their age considered a vulnerable group. The documents of the Council of Europe deal with problems like pensions, age discrimination and access to services. The most current issues that the Council of Europe have reported in their documents in 2020 and 2021 are digitalization and the coronavirus pandemic as well as the impact it has on the elderly.The documents of the Council can be divided into two types: bindng and non-binding. Binding Documents are Conventions - the most important is the European convention of human rights and European social charter. These documents offer direct protection....

The flypaper effect states that grants-in-aid increases public spending more than a comparable increase in personal income. If aid increases spending, then there is the possibility that it displaces own-source revenue or a portion of the aid itself is used to meet other priorities of governments, fungibility. Different local government structures have the tendency to prioritize either the operating or capital budget. Empirical evidence shows that federal and state grants have different flypaper effect. While fungible state aid is allocated to the operating budget, that of federal goes to the capital budget. Council-manager and mayor-council form of governments do not allocate fungible intergovernmental aid differently between the capital and operating budgets.

Both interventionist and anti-interventionist scholars have advanced the view that the 2011 Libyan conflict probes the need to establish an international organisation to settle disputes between nations with a view to maintaining international peace and security. Ironically, 67 years after the founding of the United Nations, post-colonial African states remain deeply troubled and affected by conflicts that are often exacerbated by United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Resolutions. The 2011 Libyan conflict was not a war for democracy; rather, it represented and demonstrated clearly the asymmetrical relations between Africa and Europe. This study therefore, is anchored on the thesis that the Western Countries—especially Britain and France—within the UNSC ignore the values that are embodied in the Treaty of Westphalia which established state sovereignty. Some Permanent five (P5) members of the UN were typically insensitive to Libya’s sovereignty and to the creed of democracy and this inevitably undermined the national security of the state in favour of the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ clause. The outsourcing of the UNSC’s mission, among other things, in Libya to ensure ‘international peace and security’ to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) was a critical reason for the loss of human lives and values in the 2011 Libyan pogrom. The introduction of a no-fly zone over Libya and the use of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) contained in UNSC Resolution 1973 clearly stoked the conflict in Libya in order to further the political and pecuniary interests of some of the P5 members. The involvement of NATO and the attendant bombing campaign in Libya served to undermine the militarily weak continent of Africa in its effort to broker peace under the umbrella of the African Union (AU). In order to secure these political and economic interests, the NATO jet bombers declared war against a sovereign UN member state and openly participated in the eventual overthrow and death of the Libyan leader, Muammar Gaddafi. In essence, this study underscores that the use of Responsibility to Protect in Libya was orchestrated at the highest level of international politics to justify external interference and ultimately, to secure regime change in Libya. The net effect of the outcome of the 2011 Libyan conflict is the post-war imperial control of Libya’s natural resources facilitated by the National Transition Committee established by these imperial forces. The extent of the damage caused by the UN-backed NATO intervention in Libya is also the result of the collective failure of the African Union to assert itself in the Libyan situation. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.