Despite soccer being arguably the world's most popular sport, Australia's national soccer competition has consistently failed to attract the prolonged mainstream support that is given to the comparable rugby league, Australian Rules football and rugby union competitions. This is a puzzling situation considering Australia's British lineage, soccer's British origins and the game's pre-eminent international status. Indeed, soccer's lowly position in Australia is paradoxical given the sport's historically dominant status in Britain and Australia's traditional adoption of Anglocentric culture. Most research into the situation has pointed to the sport's inability to shake-off the adverse effects of a lingering connection to post-World War II immigration and certain ethnic communities. Soccer has, in the eyes of many, been unable to access popular culture primarily because it has been viewed by the mainstream as 'foreign' or inherently un-Australian. The sport has clashed with traditional notions of national identity even though, historically, the Australian men's national team has received relatively strong community support. Strangely though, there has been little attention paid to the role the mass media has played in establishing, maintaining and even altering soccer's position in relation to mainstream Australian culture. While some researchers, such as Mosely and Hay, have criticised the media's coverage of violence associated with soccer at the domestic level, there has been no textual analysis of the mass media's role in soccer's marginal position in Australian popular culture. Considering that the mass media is critical to the development, reinforcement and maintenance of culture and has been implicated in shaping entire professional sporting competitions to its own ends, this is an area of considerable scholarly neglect. By undertaking a textual analysis of the mainstream newspaper coverage given to two critical periods in the history of the Australian men's soccer team it becomes clear that there is marked divergence between the media's treatment of internationally-based soccer and domestically-based soccer. This divergence in coverage has contributed to the development of two distinct mediated 'realities' of soccer, which in turn has influenced the game's ambivalent place in mainstream Australian culture. First, the media's control over the news production process has given it the ability to send textual messages that elevate soccer from its traditional cultural exclusion- and establish the national team as part of the historically dominant Anglocentric mainstream culture in Australia. This process has been inextricably linked to the increasing ethnic diversity of Australia's population and the dominant culture's efforts to maintain, despite this emerging plurality, the preeminence of a traditional Australian 'way of life'. Second, the media's messages have helped to maintain the ascendancy of the dominant culture by establishing the characteristics of modern day corporatised sport as the 'normal' expectation for soccer's development in Australia. As a result, soccer's future in Australia is deemed to be limited until it is able to conform fully to the commercialised and professionalised mode of production that defines the sport overseas.

Prior to 1994 I had little interest in the activities of the police. As a mass media consumer I was aware of the prominence of crime in the daily news agenda and I watched, read and listened to potted summaries of rape, mayhem and murder. Frequent too, were stories of police malpractice, incompetence and corruption. Police stories were also a significant part of television drama with programs like the long running British series The Bill, and a range of Australian productions: The Feds, Halifax f.p, Rafferty's Rules, Blue Heelers, State Coroner, and Water Rats. The police also featured at the cinema with crime genre movies Natural Born Killers (Oliver Stone, USA), Once Were Warriors (Lee Tamahori, New Zealand) and Pulp Fiction (Quentin Tarantino, USA) becoming box office hits. My interest in the portrayal of police change dramatically when on the 7th of October 1994, I was appointed Officer-in-Charge of the Media and Publications Branch of the Australian Federal Police (AFP). I was responsible for all aspects of the communication function including: media liaison, crisis management, media management, publications and internal communication. My branch dealt with media inquiries from local, national and international media across the gamut of issues facing the AFP. These ranged fiom industrial issues about budgets and overtime, allegations of corruption and incompetence, and operational matters as diverse as burglaries, alleged Nazi war criminals, peace-keeping operations and drug 'busts'. Needless to say my police stakeholders did not always see things the same way as my media colleagues. I was seeing at a practical day-to-day level the complex taxonomy of police/media relations outlined by Putnis (1996). Putnis noted the ubiquity of the police and the media as social institutions and observed that their daily operations involved a complex, dynamic, relationship constructed out of many thousands of interactions, across all levels of the organisations, in many different settings. My experiences in dealing with the media became the genesis of this study. My aim is to expand our understanding of the police/media relationship by exploring characteristic forms of print news-media reports about policing, the impact these reports have on police, and on law and order policy. The possibility of bias towards police in this study is acknowledged given I was a member of a police service fiom 1994 until 2002 and the research relies heavily on 'participant observer' techniques (Kay 1997; Potter1 996; Schofield 1993). Every effort has been made to maintain a critical perspective on the subject matters raised and it should be noted my association with police ended prior to the writing-up phase of the research. In addition to comments fiom my supervisory panel, ongoing discussions with media colleagues were another strategy adopted to ensure balance in the writing-up of this study. This is a unique study in that it offers an insider's perspective of police/media relations and at a time that represented a watershed for police. The early 90s was a period of straightened finances for public sector agencies and police, like other agencies, were under pressure fiom governments to demonstrate the efficient use of public monies (AFP 1995; Grieve 2000). Reform programs swept through policing with many, like the AFP, being organised along business lines (Palmer 1995; Etter 1995; Rohl 1999; WAPOL 1999). The 90s were also a watershed for criminal organisations with the emergence of transnational criminal syndicates, such as drug traffickers, that had the potential to impact on crime at a local level without even entering the country, let alone the jurisdiction, in which the crime took place (Bliss and Harfield 1998; Palmer 1995; McFarlane 1999). In order to combat these syndicates, police began to work in a more cooperative fashion and formed loose coalitions, often across countries, in a manner similar to the criminal syndicates they were trying to combat (Palmer 1995). The 90s also saw the continuation of committees of inquiry and royal commissions into police malpractice (Landa and Dillon 1995) and the inevitable bad press for police (Wood 1996; Munday 1995). The media and police have a symbiotic relationship and it is a critical one as most members of society have little direct contact with the criminal justice system. Information about crime, and the efforts of police to combat it, is obtained second hand through fictional accounts from such vehicles as television dramas, and from the news media. As aptly described by Hall et al. (1975), nearly thirty years ago, the media is the link between crime and the public. The police are therefore heavily reliant on the media to provide a balanced account of the panoply of issues surrounding the criminal justice system (Cowdery 2001). At its most fundamental, police require the support of the communities they serve in order to be effective, and the news media can have a major impact on perceptions about police performance (Reiner 1997; Surette 1992). As organisational entities, police need to compete with other bureaucracies for public hnding, and the media is an essential tool in generating positive publicity about successful operations and policies. The media is, therefore, critical to the maintenance of positive relationships with the two most important stakeholders in the policing function: the community and the government. McGregor (1993) provides a useful summary of the literature relating to print media coverage of policing issues: there are substantial discrepancies between official accounts of criminal activity and press reports of crime; the media tends to homogenise crime by concentrating on a limited range of crimes (mainly violent crime) and drawing facts from a limited range of sources (police/court reports); the media over-report serious crimes, especially murder and crimes with a sexual element; and, the press concentrates crime reportage on events rather than issues, so crime incidents and specific crimes form the bulk of crime news as opposed to analyses of the causes of crime or remedies, trends or issues. McQuail (1994, p.256) reminds us that assessing media performance on the basis of media content, measured against the extent to which content relates to reality, is open to question. He argues that there is no general answer to questions of meaning construction, but media research has pointed to several elements in a more general framework of social and personal meanings including clues as to what is more or less important, salient or relevant in many different contexts (1994, p. 379). An important research question concerns the impact of news media practices, particularly given the significant costs to the community flowing from the commission of crime, its investigation by police, and the processing of offenders through the criminal justice system. The Australian Institute of Criminology estimates the cost of crime in Australia is approximately $19 billion, while the cost of dealing with crime is another $13 billion (Mayhew 2003). The news media, articulated through radio talk-back hosts, are seen as having undue influence on how public funds on crime control are spent (ABC, The Media Report, 1 August 2002; Chan 1995; Cowdery 2001; Dixon 2002; Weatherbum 2002). These commentators have pointed to the serious public policy issues arising from the contribution made by the media towards what Weatherburn describes as an irrational public debate about law and order (2002, p. 12) and Hogg and Brown have coined 'the uncivil politics of law and order' (1998, p. 4). As Hogg and Brown (1998, p. 4) observe: crime is depicted as a problem of ever-increasing gravity set to overwhelm society unless urgent, typically punitive measures are taken to control and suppress it. The influence of the media on public policy has long been recognised. As Paletz and Entmann (l981, p. 6) observe: they influence the decisions and actions of politicians; they are open to manipulation by the powerful which insulates the powerful fiom accountability to the public; they reallocate power amongst the already powerful; they decreased to a marked extent the ability of ordinary citizens to judge events; they foment discontent among the public; and they preserve the legitimacy of the political, economic and social system. Ethnomethodological approaches (Ericson and Haggerty 1997) underpin the research in this study. The ethnomethodological approach was used because of its wider scope, employing as it does, observation, interviewing, and document-analysis techniques (Ericson et al. 1987, p. 77) and its ability to provide meaning and context to the phenomena under observation (Hall 1978; Willis l981). Ethnomethodological approaches are complemented by news framing analyses (Barkin and Gurevitch 1987; Blood, Putnis and Pirkis 2002; Capella and Jamieson 1996; Coleman 1995; Entman 1993; Kitzinger 2000; Keely 1999; Darling-Wolf 1997; London 1993; Pan and Kosicki 2001; Miller and Riechert 2001; Pirkis and Blood 2001; Reese, Gandy and Grant 2003; Scheufele 1999) to explore the news media frames employed in the genre of print crime reporting. What emerges from the study is evidence of a one-sided, highly negative, discourse about policing implemented through a range of media frames centred on conflict and broader xenophobic and egalitarian narratives. Despite the advantages police have as information gatekeepers, their attempts to manage the media environment have met with little success (Hughes 2004; Williams 2002) and the need for police to restrict access to police communications is being challenged (Crime and Misconduct Commission 2004, Inquiry into the effects of a Queensland Police Service decision to adopt digital technology for radio communications). There are exceptions, of course: the news media are not all bad. Routine reporting of crimes, where details of offenders are publicised, greatly assists the work of police as reflected in the case of 43-year-old Mr Colin George Dunstan which is discussed in Chapter Eight. Dunstan sent a series of explosive devices through the mail system in Canberra and police provided the media with photographs of the devices, Mr Dunstan (who was the main suspect), and his vehicle. The media coverage restricted Mr Dunstan's movements and led to his early arrest. Similarly, publication of the details of missing persons, warnings about lethal batches of drugs and crimes such as drink-spiking, enable police to reach a mass audience efficiently and quickly. And at a more abstract level, as noted by McQuail (1994, p. 34), modem communication vehicles can make a positive contribution to cohesion and community. The emergence of the 'yapping pack' form of journalism (Tiffen 1999, p. 207) has resulted in elements of the media exercising a worrying degree of influence over what should be a broader and better informed debate about criminal justice issues. An illustration of this process occurred toward the end of this study with the widely reported spectacle of the Premier of New South Wales presenting his replacement police minister before radio presenter Mr Alan Jones for his endorsement; the subsequent involvement of that minister in operational police matters (Williams 2002); and the departure of the state's police commissioner as a result of sustained media attack (ABC, The Media Report, 1 August 2002; Weatherburn 2002). These incidents say much about the influence of the news media in relation to police matters and makes this study a timely one. What follows is a literature review examining contemporary trends in policing and the media; a detailed analysis of two major case studies involving complex police operations; an analysis of a number of examples of print media reports about policing, to identify typical, or characteristic, media frames; the findings from nearly 50 interviews with senior people involved in the policelmedia interface; and an examination of changes in the milieu in which media reports about policing occur.

Localization and coverage are two important and closely related problems in wireless ad hoc networks. Localization aims to determine the physical locations of devices in a network, while coverage determines if a region of interest is sufficiently monitored by devices. Localization systems require a high degree of coverage for correct functioning, while coverage schemes typically require accurate location information. This thesis investigates the relationship between localization and coverage such that new schemes can be devised which integrate approaches found in each of these well studied problems. This work begins with a thorough review of the current literature on the subjects of localization and coverage. The localization scheduling problem is then introduced with the goal to allow as many devices as possible to enter deep sleep states to conserve energy and reduce message overhead, while maintaining sufficient network coverage for high localization accuracy. Initially this sufficient coverage level for localization is simply a minimum connectivity condition. An analytical method is then proposed to estimate the amount of localization error within a certain probability based on the theoretical lower bounds of location estimation. Error estimates can then be integrated into location dependent schemes to improve on their robustness to localization error. Location error estimation is then used by an improved scheduling scheme to determine the minimum number of reference devices required for accurate localization. Finally, an optimal coverage preserving sleep scheduling scheme is proposed which is robust to localization error, a condition which is ignored by most existing solutions. Simulation results show that with localization scheduling network lifetimes can be increased by several times and message overhead is reduced while maintaining negligible differences in localization error. Furthermore, results show that the proposed coverage preserving sleep scheduling scheme results in fewer active devices and coverage holes under the presence of localization error.

Wireless sensor networks (WSNs) are emerging as a key enabling technology for applications domains such as military, homeland security, and environment. However, a major constraint of these sensors is their limited battery. In this dissertation we examine the problem of maximizing the duration of time for which the network meets its coverage objective. Since these networks are very dense, only a subset of sensors need to be in "sense" or "on" mode at any given time to meet the coverage objective, while others can go into a power conserving "sleep" mode. This active set of sensors is known as a cover. The lifetime of the network can be extended by shuffling the cover set over time. In this dissertation, we introduce the concept of a local lifetime dependency graph consisting of the cover sets as nodes with any two nodes connected if the corresponding covers intersect, to capture the interdependencies among the covers. We present heuristics based on some simple properties of this graph and show how they improve over existing algorithms. We also present heuristics based on other properties of this graph, new models for dealing with the solution space and a generalization of our approach to other graph problems.

Localization and coverage are two important and closely related problems in wireless ad hoc networks. Localization aims to determine the physical locations of devices in a network, while coverage determines if a region of interest is sufficiently monitored by devices. Localization systems require a high degree of coverage for correct functioning, while coverage schemes typically require accurate location information. This thesis investigates the relationship between localization and coverage such that new schemes can be devised which integrate approaches found in each of these well studied problems. This work begins with a thorough review of the current literature on the subjects of localization and coverage. The localization scheduling problem is then introduced with the goal to allow as many devices as possible to enter deep sleep states to conserve energy and reduce message overhead, while maintaining sufficient network coverage for high localization accuracy. Initially this sufficient coverage level for localization is simply a minimum connectivity condition. An analytical method is then proposed to estimate the amount of localization error within a certain probability based on the theoretical lower bounds of location estimation. Error estimates can then be integrated into location dependent schemes to improve on their robustness to localization error. Location error estimation is then used by an improved scheduling scheme to determine the minimum number of reference devices required for accurate localization. Finally, an optimal coverage preserving sleep scheduling scheme is proposed which is robust to localization error, a condition which is ignored by most existing solutions. Simulation results show that with localization scheduling network lifetimes can be increased by several times and message overhead is reduced while maintaining negligible differences in localization error. Furthermore, results show that the proposed coverage preserving sleep scheduling scheme results in fewer active devices and coverage holes under the presence of localization error.

In the years since the 9/11 attacks the incidence of terrorism has been on the rise. At the same time, news media coverage of major terrorist attacks has reached epic proportions, greatly expanding the number of individuals psychologically affected by terrorism. The goal of this dissertation is to better understand how individuals cope with terrorism experienced at a distance. Specifically, this investigation focuses on the impact of stress on integrative complexity (IC; a measure of cognitive processing; Suedfeld, Tetlock, & Streufert, 1992) during and shortly after a major terrorist event. Taken together, the findings from the three studies reported in this dissertation provide several insights into this process. Study 1 replicates and extends results from an earlier study of television newscasters reporting live on 9/11 (Jhangiani & Suedfeld, 2005), in the context of the 2005 London bombings and the medium of radio. In doing so, it provides the first empirical evidence outside of the research laboratory for the curvilinear relationship between stress and IC. Specifically, during the early stages of reports concerning the London bombings, a positive relationship is found between negative emotion and IC. However, once the nature and extent of the event become clearer, increases in negative emotion are related to decreases in IC (the disruptive stress hypothesis). Study 2 replicates this curvilinear relationship in the short-term reactions of two prominent political leaders to 9/11 and the 2005 London bombings. For one of these political leaders, the magnitude of his psychological reaction is moderated by the psychological distance between him and the victims of the attacks. Finally, Study 3 finds that two key personality variables, neuroticism and empathy, play important roles in determining the magnitude of the short-term psychological reactions to 9/11 of more than 250 students from Canada and the United States. This finding is particularly true for those students who were psychologically closer to the victims of the attacks. Implications, strengths and limitations of this research, and possible future directions are discussed.

Ambulance response time is a key measure used to assess EMS system performance. However, the speed with which ambulances respond to emergencies can be highly variable. In some cases, this is due to geography. In dense urban areas for example, the distances traveled are short, but traffic and other hindrances such as traffic calming measures and high rise elevators cause delays, while rural areas involve greater distances and longer travel times. There are two major components of response time: first, pre-travel delay to prepare for ambulance dispatch, and second the actual travel time to the callers location. Response time standards are often established in order to provide fast and reliable service to the most severely ill patients. Standards typically specify the percentage of time an emergency response team can get to a call within a certain time threshold. This is referred to as “coverage”. This thesis deals with the development of a new response time model that predicts not only the mean response time, but estimates its variability. The models are developed based on historical data provided by the Region of Waterloo EMS and will permit the Region to predict EMS coverage. By analyzing the historical data, we found that response times from EMS stations to geographical locations within the Region of Waterloo are characterized by lognormal distributions. For a particular station – location pair we can thus use this information to predict coverage if we are able to specify the parameters of the distribution. We do this by characterizing the travel time and pre-travel delay times separately, and then adding the two to estimate coverage. We will use a previously proposed model that estimates the mean travel time from a station to a demand point as a function of road types traversed. We also compare the results of this model with another well known model and show that the first model is suitable to apply to the Region of Waterloo. In order to estimate the standard deviation of the response time, we propose a simple but effective model that estimates the standard deviation as a function of mean response time.

The recent increase of mobile data usage and emergence of new applications such as Online Gaming, mobile TV, Web 2.0, Streaming Contents have greatly motivated the 3rd Generation Partnership Project (3GPP) to work on the Long Term Evolution (LTE). The LTE is the latest standard in the mobile network technology tree. It inherits and develops the GSM/EDGE and UMTS/HSPA network technologies and is a step toward the 4th generation (4G) of radio technologies designed to optimize the capacity and speed of 3G mobile communication networks. In this thesis, the LTE system capacity and coverage are investigated and a model is proposed on the base of the Release 8 of 3GPP LTE standards. After that, the frequency planning of LTE is also studied. The results cover the interference limited coverage calculation, the traffic capacity calculation and radio frequency assignment. The implementation is achieved on the WRAP software platform for the LTE Radio Planning.

Ambulance response time is a key measure used to assess EMS system performance. However, the speed with which ambulances respond to emergencies can be highly variable. In some cases, this is due to geography. In dense urban areas for example, the distances traveled are short, but traffic and other hindrances such as traffic calming measures and high rise elevators cause delays, while rural areas involve greater distances and longer travel times. There are two major components of response time: first, pre-travel delay to prepare for ambulance dispatch, and second the actual travel time to the callers location. Response time standards are often established in order to provide fast and reliable service to the most severely ill patients. Standards typically specify the percentage of time an emergency response team can get to a call within a certain time threshold. This is referred to as “coverage”. This thesis deals with the development of a new response time model that predicts not only the mean response time, but estimates its variability. The models are developed based on historical data provided by the Region of Waterloo EMS and will permit the Region to predict EMS coverage. By analyzing the historical data, we found that response times from EMS stations to geographical locations within the Region of Waterloo are characterized by lognormal distributions. For a particular station – location pair we can thus use this information to predict coverage if we are able to specify the parameters of the distribution. We do this by characterizing the travel time and pre-travel delay times separately, and then adding the two to estimate coverage. We will use a previously proposed model that estimates the mean travel time from a station to a demand point as a function of road types traversed. We also compare the results of this model with another well known model and show that the first model is suitable to apply to the Region of Waterloo. In order to estimate the standard deviation of the response time, we propose a simple but effective model that estimates the standard deviation as a function of mean response time.

The coverage of a test suite is often used as a proxy for its effectiveness. However, previous studies that investigated the influence of code coverage on test suite effectiveness have failed to reach a consensus about the nature and strength of the relationship between these test suite characteristics. Moreover, many of the studies were done with small or synthetic programs, making it unclear that their results generalize to larger programs. In addition, some of the studies did not account for the confounding influence of test suite size. We have extended these studies by evaluating the relationship between test suite size, block coverage, and effectiveness for large Java programs. Our test subjects were four Java programs from different application domains: Apache POI, HSQLDB, JFreeChart, and Joda Time. All four are actively developed open source programs; they range from 80,000 to 284,000 source lines of code. For each test subject, we generated between 5,000 and 7,000 test suites by randomly selecting test methods from the program's entire test suite. The suites ranged in size from 3 to 3,000 methods. We used the coverage tool Emma to measure the block coverage of each suite and the mutation testing tool Javalanche to evaluate the effectiveness of each suite. We found that there is a low correlation between block coverage and effectiveness when the number of tests in the suite is controlled for. This suggests that block coverage, while useful for identifying under-tested parts of a program, should not be used as a quality target because it is not a good indicator of test suite effectiveness.