Abstract Not Available.

Cette recherche est une reflexion sur la technique. Elle met en lumiere sa dimension culturelle. Pour comprendre la technique il faut en effet faire appel au systeme de valeurs auquel toujours elle refere. Elle n'est jamais exterieure au domaine de sens. Cette facon de concevoir la technique permet de mettre en lumiere comment elle "fait sens" de differentes manieres a differents moments de l'histoire. La recherche montre les rapports entre le monde de la technique et celui du symbole dans le secteur forestier canadien. Les techniques de gestion forestieres font appel a differentes symboliques qui marquent l'exploitation de la foret. Aux premiers temps de la colonisation les techniques de controle de la foret sont reduites mais il existe une symbolique tres forte de l'espace forestier. La foret est a la fois obstacle et richesse mais surtout une ressource inepuisable. Les techniques mises en jeu pour controler cet espace traduisent ainsi ces visions symboliques. Avec les debuts de l'exploitation commerciale de la foret au XIXe siecle l'imaginaire forestier prend un tout autre contenu. La foret-richesse devient la symbolique dominante tandis que la foret-obstacle se vide lentement de son contenu dans l'esprit des gens. Avec l'utilisation de moyens techniques plus importants et la main mise etrangere sur cette exploitation se forme une vision d'une foret-alienee. L'orientation predatrice de l'exploitation de la foret va conduire finalement a une revision du grand mythe de la foret inepuisable. La gestion dans un but unique de profit conduit directement a la prise en consideration d'une foret-precieuse, puisque epuisable. Un grand mouvement pour la conservation des forets se dessine alors en Amerique. Une batterie de techniques de conservation vont etre suggerees et finalement mises en oeuvre. Enfin, les enchai nements de l'histoire poussent les gouvernements et les compagnies forestieres vers une gestion scientifique de la foret. Avec elle surgit une foret sur laquelle il devient de plus en plus difficile de symboliser. Les populations sont exclues de ce nouvel art de controle. Des reactions ne se font pas attendre. Les propos d'Esdras Minville traduisent ce malaise. Il suggere de redonner la foret aux populations par la creation de fermes forestieres pour des "paysans-proprietaires".

The subject of this thesis is the daily patterns of social and spatial behaviour in the barrios of Quito, Ecuador. Latin American barrios are low-income settlements which emerge illegally in the periphery of the cities, without basic infrastructure, and which are built progressively through the self-help efforts of owner-residents. Barrios are in quantitative and qualitative terms the most important phenomenon of Latin American urbanization. Between 25-50% of the residents of the cities live in such settlements. The social organization of barrio residents is rich, complex and distinct from other urban groups such as high-income sectors, which traditionally aspire to a North American or European way of life. Despite the fact that barrio populations have specific patterns of daily, social and spatial behaviour, urban planning by municipal authorities in Latin America has been tailored towards the lifestyle of high-income groups. The city of Quito, a capita of one million inhabitants, is no exception to this pattern. It is evident from the literature and from my own professional experience--as an educator in the barrios and later as a municipal planner--that the prevalent planning orientation towards high-income groups is partly due to a lack of common language between social scientists and planners. It is, however, also due to a lack of knowledge by planners and geographers of how the urban culture of barrio groups works. Much research has been carried out to date in the barrios but it suffers from inadequate understanding of the spatial dimensions of daily social behaviour. The social geography of barrios is indeed poorly known. I argue here that the spatial analysis of daily social interaction is a crucial component in explaining the obvious differences in spatial behaviour between low-income and high-income groups and in communicating this understanding in a practical and tangible form to municipal planners. Thus, the purpose of this thesis is to help fill this gap in knowledge through a geographical examination of daily patterns of social and spatial behaviour. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

ABSTRACT HAS BEEN ARCHIVED 10/15/93

The purpose of this research is to investigate the relationship between the labour force development of Indian reserves in Canada and their physical accessibility to off-reserve communities designated as service centres. The second goal is to examine the relationship between the traditional cultural affiliation of reserves and their labour force development. The diffusionist and dependency development paradigms are considered to place the role of accessibility and cultural affiliation into the context of reserve development. A review of the literature investigating the influence of physical accessibility upon reserve development follows. The traditional Indian culture areas of Canada are introduced, as are the rationale for investigating the roles of these two factors in reserve development. The reserves were then classified into six samples representing cultural affiliation. These are the Iroquoian, Algonkian, Plains, Mackenzie River, Plateau, and Pacific Coast culture areas. Lastly, two culture areas are examined to gain further insight into the nature of differences amongst reserves falling into the same access category. Levels of education and mother tongues spoken in the Algonkian and Pacific Coast culture areas are compared to this end. In conclusion, the major differences amongst the samples are highlighted in terms of the hypotheses posed in this research. Some further avenues of inquiry are then suggested for future research. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

This thesis applies trauma theory to three boxing genres: autobiography, fiction, and film, respectively. I examine boxing, a sport that puts the male body on display, as being constitutionally split between sadism and masochism, masculinity and femininity. I argue that boxing culture, as well as the culture beyond the ring, attempts to overcome the fragmentation, the trauma, that results from this division by identifying with the winning, not the losing, boxer, thereby reintrenching the myth of male presence; however, by examining David Savran's and Kaja Silverman's theories of male subjectivity as well as Joyce Carol Oates's On Boxing, I demonstrate that what we call "male presence" is really a cover for "male absence." In the conclusion, therefore, I argue that Muhammad Ali, rather than asserting a re-covery from trauma, attests to the trauma at the heart of male subjectivity, thereby undermining male presence, what Kaja Silverman calls the "dominant fiction."

This dissertation examines how cyberspace will impact upon mass media's socialization process within media culture. Mass media is defined as an elite-owned system which produces a limited number of symbols that socialize the audience according to the requirements of the economic system. The audience of mass media is described as located within media culture which is the location of media's symbol-flow. Cyberspace is defined as structurally-differentiated from mass media. Its distributed design has made it impossible for monopolistic ownership or state control to regulate completely the flow of symbols (communication and content production). Thus I conclude that cyberspace represents the democratization of symbol-flow (or the radicalization of free expression) within media culture. Case studies of media texts and events demonstrate the structurally-differentiated symbol-flow of mass media and cyberspace, the former being highly-constrained by the economic system, the latter exhibiting a highly-unconstrained flow of symbols (with symbols equivalent to shared meaning and values). With these two different types of media systems, constrained and unconstrained symbol-flow, I then apply a model of symbol-flow as a form of cultural reproduction. Mary Douglas' theory of collective memory describes culture as the arena of shared implicit assumptions about humans and nature. These assumptions are embedded in symbols which act as a form of social meta-communication. The social order is communicated through the symbols which are in use within social interaction. Collective memory allows us to analyse mass media as a highly-controlled form of social reproduction (thus the success and power of its socialization process is explained). Collective memory also allows us to identify how cyberspace will impact upon the socialization process of mass media. If the economic system is highly dependent upon mass media's constrained flow of symbols for its socialization effect (and it is), then unconstrained communication/symbol-flow within cyberspace represents the potential subversion of the dominant meanings and values which are reproduced through mass media. I argue that cyberspace potentially undermines the socialization process established through mass media. Collective memory provides a tool for examining the implications of a structurally-differentiated mode of communication (cyberspace) which has arisen within media culture in the late twentieth century.

In Chelsea Quebec, four cemeteries date from the early decades of its settlement in the 1820s. Three are burial sites for Protestants and one is a Roman Catholic cemetery. These exemplify different kinds of burial sites which developed in frontier settlements: the family plot, a private burial area, a communal burial area and a church-organized site. As institutions, the cemeteries in Chelsea appear to be models or types common to stages of pioneer settlement. In this rural municipality located within a twenty-minute drive from the cities of Ottawa and Hull, the slower rate of community growth and actions to preserve two of its cemeteries as historic sites have presented an opportunity to assess their present status and to research their history. Starting with the cemeteries and their monuments as a primary source, and referring to land grants, church and municipal records, census, newspaper and local people, a rich resource of information has helped to flesh out the story of these grave sites and those buried there. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

The purpose of this study is to examine the aesthetics of solo bagpipe music at the Glengarry Highland Games in Maxville, Ontario, in order to understand how people perceive and receive their world. My ethnography of aesthetics of solo bagpipe music has involved a selected group of musicians that has participated in the piobaireachd and ceol beag contests at these games. Piobaireachd is the classical tradition of the Great Highland bagpipe, and ceol beag is the "light" music which consists of dance songs or marches. The first chapter explores the "arrangements" of power in this community. By "arrangements" of power, I refer to the informal understandings between people about the hierarchies, prestige and power in bagpipe activities of their community. The second chapter examines the various traditions in the aesthetics of solo piping. I problematize the notion of "tradition" by examining it as a human construction that is continuously reinterpreted as it is passed down from generation to generation. The third chapter explores the local knowledge of some of the pipers taking part in the competitions. By "local knowledge", I mean the body of knowledge that is formed collectively, over time, and comes to represent the main ideas and expectations the pipers have about their music. Since Maxville, with the Glengarry Highland Games, is considered, according to the pipers, to be the "spiritual center" of piping, this choice of location has been ideal for understanding sound structures, behaviours, practices, and attitudes that are inherent in this cultural activity.

L'objectif de cette these est d'analyser les facteurs culturels qui favorisent la "refondation" des instituts autochtones enracines dans la vie chretienne et sociale en Afrique. Cette etude cherche a analyser ce que d'une part la culture africaine peut apporter aux instituts autochtones, et d'autre part ce que ceux-ci, bien enracines, peuvent apporter, par leur prophetisme, a la vie de leur milieu geographique et culturel. N'est retenu comme champ d'etude uniquement celui des instituts autochtones feminins, dans une approche de la theologie missionnaire. La premiere hypothese de travail est la suivante: "A l'interieur meme des instituts autochtones, il y a eu une rencontre precaire entre l'Evangile et la culture africaine". La deuxieme hypothese s'enonce ainsi: "Les instituts autochtones disposent de ressources culturelles africaines pour se "refonder", c'est-a-dire pour se construire une identite et entreprendre l'enracinement indispensable dans leur milieu culturel". Le premier chapitre decrit une vue d'ensemble du conteste historique et ecclesial qui a vu nai tre les instituts autochtones durant l'epoque missionnaire et post-missionnaire. Sa premiere section examine l'evolution historique de l'implantation de l'Eglise missionnaire et aussi l'option de base avec les orientations theologiques qui guiderent son action. A l'heure de bilan, l'Eglise missionnaire constata que les indigenes avaient ete massivement convertis, mais qu'il y avait eu un "manque de penetration du catholicisme en Afrique"; leurs "actes religieux etaient coupes de leur vie quotidienne". La deuxieme section de ce chapitre examine la tache indispensable d'enracinement du message evangelique qui incombait a l'Eglise post-missionnaire. Aussi, le chapitre deuxieme s'est penche sur les conditions contextuelles de toute "refondationn" evangelique: d'abord la mise a jour de quelques valeurs culturelles fondamentales qui peuvent permettre l'enracinement des instituts autochtones feminins, ensuite la reference au point de vue de l'episcopat du Zaire au sujet de l'inculturation des instituts autochtones. Le troisieme chapitre analyse les conditions qui prevalurent lors de la fondation des instituts autochtones durant l'Eglise missionnaire et post-missionnaire. Il s'est revele entre autres que la longue tutelle a laquelle furent soumis ces instituts leur fut prejudiciable et que l'esprit de la formation et de la direction initiales semble davantage avoir ete axe sur la christianisation du milieu au detriment de la vie religieuse elle-meme. Le quatrieme chapitre enquete sur l'etat actuel de cette rencontre. De l'analyse de quelques constitutions des instituts autochtones d'avant Vatican II et celles de l'aggiornamento, les conclusions suivantes s'imposerent. Le chapitre cinquieme s'applique a cerner la theologie qui justifie la fondation d'un institut religieux: la suite du Christ. Avec les elements degages au cours des analyses qui precedent, le dernier chapitre propose un modele d'enracinement contextuel des instituts autochtones. Ce modele a ete appele "refondation" evangelique des instituts autochtones, parce qu'il retient fondamentalement les premieres fondations et les complete par d'autres specialement adaptees pour la consolidation de l'edifice. Le modele propose a releve des elements culturels qui peuvent servir de principales assises pour l'enracinement des composantes evangeliques de la profession religieuse: la chastete, la pauvrete et l'obeissance consacrees ainsi que la vie en communaute. Apres analyse, il s'est avere que la "refondation" des instituts autochtones doit reposer sur l'enracinement culturel de ces composantes de la vie consacree, afin de pouvoir remplir leur role prophetique en fonction de leur contexte culturel. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)