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The fall out from the Quincentennial anniversary of the "discovery" of the Americas has yet to settle. One of the key issues still in need of address concerns the nature of the social and environmental change wrought by colonialism. Until recently, research in this field has been determined by a series of antiquated myths, largely creations of Eurocentric Renaissance and Romantic philosophies. This study aims to provide a more objective insight into the degree of regional Colonial impact by focusing on an archival reconstruction of post-Conquest social and environmental change in the highlands ofMichoacan, west central Mexico. Archival evidence suggests that the Spanish encountered an already degraded landscape in this region, reflective of several centuries of pre-Hispanic settlement and exploitation. Contrary to conventional wisdom, however, little evidence emerges to suggest that there was an immediate and deleterious environmental impact following European contact, despite the introduction of livestock and plough technology to an area where they had hitherto been absent. Indeed, tangible evidence of ecological disturbance in the area does not emerge until the 18th century - a period recognised to have been one of population recovery and resource monopolisation. A detailed survey of litigation documents suggests that this period witnessed an acceleration in the number of indigenous claims for land reinstatement, concomitant with a marked increase in the number of references to infertile and degraded territory and apparent heightened concern over water sources. It is here argued that de-intensification of land use in the wake of indigenous depopulation and the imposition of conservative land use practices accounts for the negligible environmental impact in the early post-Conquest period. By the later 17th and 18th centuries, progressive climatic drying, population expansion, resource monopolisation and social inequality had combined to create a period of acute resource stress and landscape instability and consequent civil unrest. It was this untenable situation that was to play itself out in the Wars of Independence that characterised the first two decades of the 19th century.

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Thesis (M.S.)--Boston University

<p>What kinds of elements determine people´s possibilities of being integrated into society? This is what the author tries to illuminate in this essay, by discussing the plots and characters in White Teeth.</p>

What kinds of elements determine people´s possibilities of being integrated into society? This is what the author tries to illuminate in this essay, by discussing the plots and characters in White Teeth.

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This dissertation engages with processes of social and spatial organisation of the Brao, a Mon-Khmer language-speaking ethnic group whose approximately 60,000 members reside mainly in the provinces of Attapeu and Champasak, in the southern-most part of Laos; and Ratanakiri and Stung Treng, in the northeastern-most part of Cambodia. Divided broadly into eight different sub-groups—the Jree, Kavet, Hamong, Ka-nying, Lun, Umba, Kreung and Brao Tanap—the Brao are, historically, swidden cultivators whose livelihoods were, and often remain, heavily dependent on fishing, hunting and the collection of various forest products, and who have particular ways of organising spatially, with concomitant rules and norms, including spatial taboos. Over the last number of centuries, various powers have tried to dominate the Brao and Brao spaces, including the Khmer, Lao and Siamese, followed by the French, Japanese, Vietnamese, Americans, Lao (royalist and communist), Khmer (royalist and communist), and the present-day Lao and Cambodian governments working together with international development agencies. These various groups, including those typically considered to be precolonial and postcolonial, are theorised in this thesis as representing different forms of colonialism, each with particular objectives and implications for the Brao. This dissertation examines these various forms of colonialism and their effects on the Brao over history. The role of the international border between Lao and Cambodia in constituting Brao 'places of resistance' is also examined. I demonstrate how differing forms of colonial domination have had varying impacts on the Brao; through effecting social and spatial change that in turn impact—amongst other things—Brao places. These places are constituted with meaning by the Brao, and are closely linked to their identities. All forms of colonialism have spatial repercussions, and frequently include processes of (re)territorialisation and attempts to rescale the spatial systems of dominated groups like the Brao. However, colonial powers are never omnipotent or fully successful. Their efforts are frequently resisted, even if negotiation, compliance and other nuanced responses are important. Overall, human agency is crucial for determining the outcomes of attempts to dominate.

In this thesis I argue that anarchism, as a political philosophy and social movement practice committed to resisting all forms of oppression and domination, needs to place colonialism more clearly and consistently at the centre of its analysis of interlocking systems of oppression. I argue that colonialism has largely been absent as a system of domination and oppression within anarchist theory and practice, with the exception of a small number of theorists and activist groups. My contention is that an anti-colonial orientation needs to be further encompassed in part because of anarchism’s commitment to resisting all forms of oppression and domination, but also because anarchist movements carry out and theorize resistance against the backdrop of settler colonial realities and on Indigenous lands. This thesis contributes to these aims by seeking to expand and push further work done on anarcha-Indigenism that examines the possible points of contact and resonance between anarchist and Indigenous politics, philosophy and action. I conceptualize anarcha-Indigenism first as a ‘third space’, following post-colonial theorists, and extend this concept towards an ‘n-dimensional’ space of meeting, where theoretical perspectives can come to engage with one another. This space consists of points of contact and resonance chiefly between Indigenist, anarchist and feminist theory and practice, but also extends to any perspective that might meet the core commitments of anarcha-Indigenism, namely resistance to all forms of oppression and domination. Within the ‘n-dimensional’ space of anarcha-Indigenism I examine the possibilities of anti-colonial research methodology, solidarity relationships between settlers and Indigenous peoples, engagements between anarchist and Indigenous feminisms and contemporary manifestations of anti-colonial anarchist resistance against the 2010 Vancouver Olympics and the Toronto G20. These successive chapters seek to make anti-colonial interventions into anarchist theory and practice as well as further develop the richness of anarcha-Indigenism and its complexities. Overall, I argue that anarcha-Indigenism, as an ‘n-dimensional’ space of meeting can further resistance to all forms of oppression and domination, and has the ability to make anti-colonial interventions into anarchist theory and practice specifically. / Thesis (Master, Cultural Studies) -- Queen's University, 2012-09-30 23:49:58.642

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