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This thesis is a study of what is said to be at issue in the nuclear weapons debate and constitutes the beginning of an attempt to understand its nature and significance . The technique adopted has been to offer an initial presentation of rival rationales in order to introduce the main concepts and show something of the force of these developed, positions (Vol I pp 7-30) . The two rationales are then related point by point , to give the analytical framework used in the subsequent interviews (pp 31-9) . Each pair of points is expanded and commented upon , and detailed references are given to the books and articles from which the analysis was drawn (pp 40-214) . The next section relates all of this briefly to the main party platforms in Britain , as of June 1987 (pp Zt 1- zt ) Volume II is made up of complete sets of responses to the framework of questions generated in the earlier chapters . The advantages of this method are i that in each case the rationale is laid out verbatim 9 so that premises are explicitly stated and the dependence of subsequent upon prior arguments is clearly seen . This in itself is very rarely done which is why so many proposed policies are so often , and so widely misunderstood . that , because all those consulted have responded to the same set of questions , their alternative sets of answers can be compared with one another point by point . This is the crucial and unique advantage of the approach adopted here . It ensures that what is at issue can be precisely pinpointed. The results as recorded here are in themselves striking and illuminating More important still they open the door to detailed future investigation of a kind which can be done in no other way.

This thesis is a study of what is said to be at issue in the nuclear weapons debate and constitutes the beginning of an attempt to understand its nature and significance . The technique adopted has been to offer an initial presentation of rival rationales in order to introduce the main concepts and show something of the force of these developed, positions (Vol I pp 7-30) . The two rationales are then related point by point , to give the analytical framework used in the subsequent interviews (pp 31-9) . Each pair of points is expanded and commented upon , and detailed references are given to the books and articles from which the analysis was drawn (pp 40-214) . The next section relates all of this briefly to the main party platforms in Britain , as of June 1987 (pp Zt 1- zt ) Volume II is made up of complete sets of responses to the framework of questions generated in the earlier chapters . The advantages of this method are i that in each case the rationale is laid out verbatim 9 so that premises are explicitly stated and the dependence of subsequent upon prior arguments is clearly seen . This in itself is very rarely done which is why so many proposed policies are so often , and so widely misunderstood . that , because all those consulted have responded to the same set of questions , their alternative sets of answers can be compared with one another point by point . This is the crucial and unique advantage of the approach adopted here . It ensures that what is at issue can be precisely pinpointed. The results as recorded here are in themselves striking and illuminating More important still they open the door to detailed future investigation of a kind which can be done in no other way.

The conceptual understanding of security and the practicalities of national defence are interdependent. In many countries both are undergoing significant change. This work provides an international context but focuses on Australian defence, arguing that a transition is underway from old security thinking to new, and that this is evidenced by changes in policies and practical activities. The aim of this work is to demonstrate the interdependence between the current reconceptualisation of security and the practicalities of national defence. Old security thinking concerns military power relationships between states, in contrast with new security thinking, which uses a broader conceptual framework. These are described, providing benchmarks for the subsequent analysis. While it is acknowledged that change has occurred in security thinking throughout history, those developments observed since the end of the Cold War and the rise of globalisation signify a fundamental shift. To explore this shift, recent developments in the defence policies and military activities of four relevant nations are examined, providing an international context for the consideration of the primary case study of Australian defence. This case study draws on historical descriptions and empirical data to analyse developments in four spheres - Australian defence policy, current Australian Defence Force activities, recent military developments and contemporary Australian public debate. The weight of evidence supports the thesis of a transition in both security thinking, described as transitional security thinking, and ADF activities. Tensions are observed between the requirements of defending a nation against attack, and contributing to the expanding requirements of the broadened security agenda. Despite these tensions, the expansion in both security thinking and the associated activities of armed forces, is likely to continue. This expansion has important implications for Australia???s defence capabilities which are increasingly required to meet the demands of refocused national security. These demands contribute to the pressing challenges of convergence and overstretch. A strategy of integration is recommended to address these challenges and it follows the principles of whole-of-government security and sustainable partnerships. The application of these principles will require the ADF to emphasise capabilities with versatility and adaptability.

The conceptual understanding of security and the practicalities of national defence are interdependent. In many countries both are undergoing significant change. This work provides an international context but focuses on Australian defence, arguing that a transition is underway from old security thinking to new, and that this is evidenced by changes in policies and practical activities. The aim of this work is to demonstrate the interdependence between the current reconceptualisation of security and the practicalities of national defence. Old security thinking concerns military power relationships between states, in contrast with new security thinking, which uses a broader conceptual framework. These are described, providing benchmarks for the subsequent analysis. While it is acknowledged that change has occurred in security thinking throughout history, those developments observed since the end of the Cold War and the rise of globalisation signify a fundamental shift. To explore this shift, recent developments in the defence policies and military activities of four relevant nations are examined, providing an international context for the consideration of the primary case study of Australian defence. This case study draws on historical descriptions and empirical data to analyse developments in four spheres - Australian defence policy, current Australian Defence Force activities, recent military developments and contemporary Australian public debate. The weight of evidence supports the thesis of a transition in both security thinking, described as transitional security thinking, and ADF activities. Tensions are observed between the requirements of defending a nation against attack, and contributing to the expanding requirements of the broadened security agenda. Despite these tensions, the expansion in both security thinking and the associated activities of armed forces, is likely to continue. This expansion has important implications for Australia???s defence capabilities which are increasingly required to meet the demands of refocused national security. These demands contribute to the pressing challenges of convergence and overstretch. A strategy of integration is recommended to address these challenges and it follows the principles of whole-of-government security and sustainable partnerships. The application of these principles will require the ADF to emphasise capabilities with versatility and adaptability.

Cette thèse étudie les politiques de sécurité et de défense développées dans la corne de l’Afrique. Notre objectif principal est de montrer qu’en Somalie, en Érythrée, en Éthiopie et à Djibouti les facteurs politiques, historiques, économiques et sociaux se combinent pour expliquer la situation d’insécurité totale qui règne dans la région. Sa position géostratégique fait d’elle, une zone très convoitée pour mieux lutter contre le terrorisme et la piraterie. Cet avantage géographique est peu rentabilisé à cause des guerres civiles, des contentieux territoriaux et des catastrophes naturelles qui ont engendré l’une des plus grandes crises humanitaires et alimentaires au monde. Devant cet état de fait, les politiques de sécurité et défense, qu’elles soient régionales et continentale, semblent être impuissantes. Les échecs de ces politiques découlent, d’une part ; des discordes entre les chefs d’État et, d’autre part ; du manque de moyens financiers des États, de l’Union africaine et de ses organismes sous régionaux (l’IGAD et le COMESA). En étudiant le cas de Djibouti, nous montrerons que la politique de sécurité nationale souffre de plusieurs maux. En effet, la corruption, le clientélisme, le tribalisme et le détournement des deniers publics affaiblissent la politique sécuritaire et incitent les populations appauvries aux soulèvements. Djibouti, étant l’un des pays le plus stable de la région, constitue un baromètre pour mieux mesurer les nouvelles menaces qui déstabiliseraient la zone. Pays limitrophes des foyers du terrorisme et de la piraterie, il est le choix d’implantation, par excellence, des bases militaires françaises, américaines, japonaise et de plusieurs autres contingents. Ainsi, en bénéficiant de l’aide et de la protection de ces États, il devient, par conséquent, une cible des groupes terroristes. L’apport sécuritaire et économique des bases sont indéniables. Cependant, elles ne manquent pas d’impacter négativement sur son environnement social. / This thesis studies the politics of security and defence that have been developed in the Horn of Africa. Our main objective is to show that in Somalia, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Djibouti there are political, historical, economical and sociological factors that explain the prevailing insecurity within the region. Its geostrategic position makes it a coveted area for fighting terrorism and piracy. Nevertheless this geographical advantage is not as profitable as it could be because of civil wars, boundary disputes and natural disasters that have generated one of the world’s biggest humanitarian and food crisis. Security and defence policies, whether regional or continental, have shown to be powerless when facing these realities. The failures of these policies are due to disagreements between Heads of State and to the lack of financial resources within States, the African Union and its sub-regional agencies such as IGAD and COMESA. By studying the case of Djibouti we will prove that national security policies have been weakened by corruption, clientelism and tribalism, which has lead to the insurgence of the impoverished population. Because Djibouti is one of the most stable States in the region, it serves as a barometer that measures new treats to the stability of the zone. As a neighbouring country to the hotbeds of terrorism and piracy, Djibouti is where the French, the American and the Japanese have settled their military bases; it has also consequently become the target of terrorist groups. The military bases have certainly improved the security and the economy of the area but they have also had a negative impact on its social environment.