Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Denver, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Tübingen, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references and sources (p. 229-236).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Canterbury, 2008. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 106-114). Also available via the World Wide Web.

This dissertation explores the relationship between race and democratization. Through the examination of the case of the Dominican Republic, this study challenges mainstream explanations of democratic transitions. At its core, this dissertation aims at calling attention to the absence of race and ethnic allegiances as explanatory variables of the democratic processes and debates in the region. By focusing on structural variables, the analysis shies away from elite and actor-centered explanations that fall short in predicting the developments and outcomes of transitions. The central research questions of this study are: Why is there an absence of the treatment of race and ethnic allegiances during the democratic transitions in Latin America and the Caribbean? How has the absence of ethnic identities affected the nature and depth of democratic transitions? Unlike previous explanations of democratic transitions, this dissertation argues that the absence of race in democratic transitions has been a deliberate attempt to perpetuate limited citizenship by political and economic elites. Findings reveal a difficulty to overcome nationalist discourses where limited citizenship has affected the quality of democracy. Original field research data for the study has been gathered through semi-structured interviews and focus groups conducted from October 2008 to December 2009 in the Dominican Republic.

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Democratization and human development (HD) are inherently controversial processes, which are viewed in this dissertation as elective affinities. This means that both can be seen as mutually inclusive and potentially reinforcing. Contrary to standard modernization theory, both processes are intertwined in an endogenous relationship, hi principle, both have the same logic of inference: the promotion of individual freedoms and the expansion of well-being, both political and economic. The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze how democratization can promote HD and how HD can promote democratization. In order to substantiate this argument the analysis focuses on three interrelated propositions arguing that: (1) Democratization and human development processes can be considered as mutually enhancing and complementary. This elective affinity occurs via their multifaceted characteristics as well as through their individual attributes. (2) Democratization and human development processes sometimes go through identifiable critical junctures or turning points. These turning points are path-dependent but not deterministic. (3) There are strong reciprocal connections between HD and democratization that form two chains which reinforce one another cumulatively over time. This dissertation combines in a single study qualitative and quantitative research methods to explain the mutually enhancing relationship between human development and democratization processes. In addition to reviewing these interactions in general, the dissertation contains in-depth historical and contextual analysis of the Central American cases. In particular, it compares and contrasts Costa Rica and El Salvador, investigating the elective affinities of democratization and human development processes in identifiable stages of their turning points. The findings illustrate the benefits of method triangulation (i.e. paired-comparisons complemented with cross-country analyses) to explore the complementary features between both processes over time.

This research will compare why two such comparable countries like Slovenia and Croatia have taken different paths towards consolidating democracy. The two countries on the same day in 1991 declared independence from Yugoslavia but only Slovenia managed to successfully consolidate democracy during the 1990s. The purpose of this study is to analyze what differences and similarities Croatia and Slovenia have had which has made them take different paths towards consolidating democracy. The theoretical framework will apply Linz and Stepans theory on consolidating democracy from the countries independence in 1991 until Croatia in 2013, like Slovenia in 2004, became member of the European Union. The results demonstrate that Croatia during the 1990’s were governed by a party and president in a non-democratic way while Slovenia since its independence has implemented all the necessary tools for a successful consolidation of democracy. In 1999 Croatia’s president died and this was the start of a new era in Croatian politics. In 2000 the ruling party was defeated by a coalition which immediately begun to integrate Croatia with the European Union and in essence started to consolidate democracy.

Democracy promotion is a key objective in both US and EU foreign development policy. The study attempts to provide a better understanding of both actors democracy promotion in Afghanistan. The US and the EU are perceived to have different approaches regarding democracy promotion. Therefor the study examines if US used top-down and EU bottom-up approaches respective coercive and persuasive methods. Approaches used by actors are examined in the study regarding democracy promotion in the case of Afghanistan. It is a case study with qualitative text analysis and the theories used are top-down and bottom up channels of democracy, and persuasive and stick methods. The survey has looked at the both actors’ commitment in Afghanistan during period of 2001-2014. The result shows that the US and EU have more similarities than differences in the case of Afghanistan and actors have combined both top-down and bottom-approaches in promotion of democracy and focused on cooperation and partnership.

<p>Abstract</p><p>Background & Problem</p><p>The author believes that there are important lessons to be learned from the states in Africa that have managed to achieve successful transitions from one-party regimes to multy-party regimes. However, Africa today displays countries that suffer from enormous problems and many of them are mired in political and economical development. A main theme of this thesis is the search for the differences, how can we explain the transitions and the outcomes of them?</p><p>Purpose</p><p>The purpose of this thesis is to describe the nature of transitions as Bratton & de Walle explain them and to see if their suggested explanations hold true in Ghana & Zambia. A secondary purpose also includes a comparison between the two cases and the differences between them.</p><p>Method</p><p>A combination of a traditional literature study and a focused comparative study has been used in order to fulfil the purpose.</p><p>Theoretical Framework</p><p>The second, third, fourth and fifth chapter represent the bulk of the theoretical framework. The theories stem from Bratton & de Walle and will be weighted against the empirical information found in the two cases.</p><p>Analysis & Conclusions</p><p>The latter chapters of this thesis summarize the results from the comparison and include a discussion and comment chapter. The conclusion argues that the causes and results of a transition to a large extent can be found in the political. The phases that Bratton & de Walle describe are also accurate in relation to the two cases. An important feature that Ghana has been successful with is that they have managed to withhold a higher political activity throughout their democratization. This has in turn resulted in a better outcome.</p> / <p>Sammanfattning</p><p>Bakgrund & Problem</p><p>Författaren anser att det finns viktiga lärdomar att inhämta från de afrikanska stater som har genomgått en lyckad övergång från enpartistyre till flerpartistyre. I Afrika finns det idag länder som lider av enorma problem och många utav dem är stillastående både politiskt och ekonomiskt. Det huvudsakliga temat för denna uppsats är att leta efter skillnaderna, hur kan vi förklara skillnaderna i övergångar och vad orsakar dem?</p><p>Syfte</p><p>Syftet med denna uppsats är att beskriva övergångsfaserna så som Bratton & de Walle förklarar dem och sedan undersöka om dessa teorier håller i fallet Ghana & Zambia.</p><p>Ett andra syfte inkluderar också en jämförelse mellan de två fallen där skillnader och likheter lyfts fram</p><p>Metod</p><p>I uppsatsen används en kombination av en traditionell litteraturstudie och en fokuserad jämförelse.</p><p>Teoretisk Referensram</p><p>Det andra, tredje, fjärde och femte kapitlet representerar den teoretiska referensramen. Dessa teorier härstammar från Bratton & de Walle och kommer att vägas mot empirin som beskrivs i de två fallen.</p><p>Analys & Slutsats</p><p>De sista kapitlen i uppsatsen innehåller analysen och resultat från jämförelsen. I slutsatsen argumenteras det för att orsaker och utgångar i övergångsstater till stor del beror på och är bundna av politiska orsaker. Även de faser som ingår i Bratton & de Walles teorier återfinns till stor del i fallen. Skillnaden mellan Ghana & Zambia är främst att Ghana lyckats med att bibehålla en högre politisk aktivitet i sin demokratisering vilket har gett bättre resultat för landet.</p>