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Abstract not available

Residential concentration of refugees (Southeast Asian, Cuban, and Soviet) was investigated using data from the Immigration and Naturalization Service Alien Address File. Patterns of concentration were investigated on a cross-state basis for 1970-1980, and on a cross California 3-digit zip code basis for 1978-1980. Refugee groups were compared to nonrefugee alien groups of similar origin (Japanese, Filipino, Mexican, Dominican, Italian, Polish, and Hungarian). Data sources were the INS Public Use samples for 1979 and 1980, and the total California alien populations for 1978-1980. Consistent cross-ethnic concentration differentials were found, although refugee populations were only slightly (but consistently) more segregated than were the total alien populations: Hispanic groups were most segregated, Europeans and Asians less so, and the Southeast Asians least segregated. Concentration patterns were different across the several geographic areas analyzed: Mexicans, for example were among the most highly segregated at the cross-state level, but were the least segregated at the zip code level within California. Clear preferences for different areas were seen among different ethnic groups: the multiplicity of colonies seen in earlier studies was found in this data also. Consistent linear increases in the concentration of both Vietnamese and Kampucheans were seen however, the latter being particularly striking in its magnitude. Slow increases in Soviet and Cuban concentration were also seen. Several factors argued for permanence of the ethnic concentrations now in existance. Only for Vietnamese was there a consistent pattern of decreased concentration with longer duration of residence; for other groups the ethnic concentrations were made of aliens with a cross-section of longevity. Resettlement of new refugee arrivals also exacerbated concentration, since the only few exceptions the patterns of refugee initial resettlement showed more concentration than among the already-settled populations. The ethnic concentration was potentially facilitative of adjustment, since much of the concentration appears to be forming from secondary migration: some negative effects of the ethnic concentration are suggested in slightly lower employment occurring in the ethnically concentrated areas.

Abstract not available

No description available.

No description available.

Political trust is an important concept in a representative democracy because it defines citizens’ expectations of their elected officials, their willingness to allow government to act on their behalf, and the quality of democratic accountability. Distrust, or when government outcomes fail to meet citizens' expectations, has been linked to discontent and disaffection, and to a broad decline in the legitimacy of government institutions. Research consistently shows that Latinos are more trusting than non-Latinos--a finding which seems discordant in light of the socio-economic and cultural differences between these groups. The concept of expectations is especially interesting and useful in examining differences in levels of political trust among Latinos and non-Latinos. The literature on Latino trust lacks any comprehensive analysis of the determinants and consequences of political trust among Latinos. This dissertation attempts to answer the following questions: What are the determinants of political trust among Latinos? Why are Latinos more trusting of government than non-Latinos? What impact does political trust have on Latino policy preferences and vote choice? Utilizing survey data of Californians, evidence I find that acculturation and country-of-origin variables account for differences between Latinos and non-Latinos, and that socio-economic variables do not. Latinos of Mexican origin are less trusting that other Latinos. Political trust has a negative impact of Latino support for health care reform, but no impact on non-Latino policy preferences in this area. Once again, trust impacts Mexican and non-Mexican Latinos differently. Finally, I confirm the positive relationship between political trust and voting for an incumbent (the negative relationship between trust and support for a major or minor party challenger); this relationship is constant across Latino and non-Latino groups.

No description available.

No description available.

An exploratory study, using Texas public school district data, was conducted to determine the relationship between each of two demographic characteristics, student enrollment and the percentage of economically disadvantaged students, and the technology level of progress. In addition, the relationship between the two demographic characteristics, taken together, and the technology level of progress was investigated. The researcher found that across each of the six Educator Preparation and Development (EPD) focus areas, student enrollment, and the percentage of economically disadvantaged students were not related to the technology level of progress. The researcher also found that there was no meaningful multivariate relationship for linking student enrollment and the percentage of economically disadvantaged students, taken together, to the technology level of progress. A major finding that emerged from the analyses was the fact that the majority of school districts across the student enrollment and percentage of economically disadvantaged students categories were at the same level of technology progress, Developing Tech. Moreover, the percent of school districts not progressing beyond theDeveloping Tech level was differential for each of the six EPD focus areas. Two conclusions emerged from the empirical evidence. First, although the Target Tech level percentages were all small, two of the 20 types of Texas school districts consistently yielded the highest percents across the six EPD focus areas. These were school district type four (SE Under 500, PEDS 75% or Greater) and school district type twelve (SE 1,001-5,000, PEDS 75% or Greater). Second and more significant in terms of creating future interventions, programs, and incentives, empirical evidence in this study suggests that much work still remains to be done if all Texas school districts are to reach the ultimate objective where all school districts reach the Target Tech level on all six focus areas. The current study informs the digital divide literature as it relates to school district characteristics. The findings from this study suggest that long-range technology planning and funding initiatives in recent years have been successful, in beginning to address digital divide issues related to Educator Preparation and Development technology progress in public school districts.