No description available.

No description available.

A strong relationship exists between the Cahuilla people and their cultural landscapes. The meaning of cultural places is expressed through traditional knowledge of oral histories, place names, traditional songs, ceremonies and landscape use. Historically, the Cahuilla maintained their relationship with landscapes while incorporating new lifestyles introduced by the Spanish, Mexicans, and Americans. My thesis provides a basic model for examining historical settlements patterns and analyzing the continued traditional lifestyle and landscape by the Desert Cahuilla. Using information from published ethnographic data and traditional knowledge, I use GIS mapping to provide visual support to some hypotheses scholars have on village migrations and continued cultural landscape use. This is the first step in researching historic cultural landscape use and the information can be used in further analysis in archaeology and cultural resource use. Furthermore, this thesis will serve as a significant source in rediscovering, reconnecting, and preserving Cahuilla places.

The Wilderness Act of 1964 states the purpose of the National Wilderness Preservation System is "to secure for the American people of present and future generations the benefits of an enduring resource of wilderness." But, how to accomplish this mandate is a complex task. The application of the Ecosystem Services model is ideal for facilitating the complex duel goals of securing benefits and preserving wilderness resources. Ecosystem Services directly addresses benefits derived from a landscape, even if the specifics of the benefits change over time. This dissertation employs Ecosystem Services as a framework to provide a more complete understanding of wilderness values. In three separate studies conducted in wilderness areas in Southern Arizona, (Assessing Border-Related Human Impacts at Organ Pipe Cactus National Monument, Linking Visitor Flows and Patterns of Use with General Management Planning in Saguaro National Park and Monitoring and Estimating Visitor Use at the Madrona Ranger Station and Surrounding Landscape) elements of Cultural Ecosystem Services (CES) are illuminated.I found that the more holistic epistemology of Ecosystem Services allowed for the inclusion of better scientific data in the management process. The inclusion of quantitative, repeatable, defensible studies of user behavior in wildlands allows for dynamic management options that are rooted in real conditions (mutable, undesirable or unique). Specifically Cultural Ecosystem Services address the value and significance of the unique landscape of wilderness. Previous models for wildland management sought specific metrics of carrying capacity to limit use and control impact. Ecosystem Services combines diverse scientific fields to provide real understanding of the landscape. The addition of ES to manager's decision processes allows for better understanding of real conditions.

Contains papers from meetings held during the school years 1959-1960, 1960-1961.

Contains papers from meetings held during the school year 1958-1959.

The Chilean Water Code of 1981 has been presented as a successful case of free-market water reforms. In the northern Atacama Desert, the Atacameño people have developed their indigeneity in the context of the forceful implementation of this radical free market system. This situation invites an examination of the connections between the Chilean state's free-market restructuring of water governance and the process through which indigenous groups claim their identity through water politics. This dissertation addresses the following questions: (Q1) Why and how have the Atacameño people claimed indigeneity within the context of the pro-market water reforms? (Q2) How have Atacameño identity and the water reforms been conceived, articulated, and reproduced in relation to each other? This question is broken down into sub-questions: (Q2a) How do pro-market water reforms and related conflicts inspire indigeneity and water practices among the Atacameños? and (Q2b) How do the articulation of indigeneity and water practices among the Atacameños, in turn, reshape the pro-market water reforms? During fieldwork it became clear that the water market was not as active as I expected and that Atacameños are not selling water rights, but buying them, leading to a third question: (Q3) Why are the Atacameños not selling their water rights to mining companies and urban water supply, despite the extremely high purchasing power of the former, and why have indigenous communities recently become the main buyers of water rights? In answering these questions, this dissertation explores how water management is not just about the management of the management of H20, but is also related to the production of new subjectivities. In the case of the Chilean Water Code of 1981, rather than being a threat to a certain genuine or fixed Atacameño tradition, community, or identity, it is seen as a key catalyst that has allowed a group of people to publically articulate a legitimate indigenous positionality upon particular historical sediments and political economic conditions. Here the Atacameños appear to be articulating their history with contemporary issues, knowledge, and multiple practices in relation to specific current claims about the control of water resources. This fact has questions the water reforms in terms that they were reshaped by the process of identity formation. Indeed, the Atacameños successfully mobilized their identity to partially reject the privatization process, thereby subverting the neoclassical expectations that, within a free market, water should flow toward its highest economic value uses. Finally, this dissertation shows how the Chilean model, rather than being a free market approach to water management that supposes the withdrawal of the state, relies heavily on the state's centralized actions. As such, this dissertation (1) questions the existence of a truly free water market for the allocation of water rights in the Atacameño area (2) highlights the role of the state as the main central and hierarchical source of water allocation for both mining and urban supply companies, and (3) argues that the implementation of the Water Code is another chapter in the history of the state's the internal colonialism of the Atacama Desert.

No description available.

No description available.

I quantified the bat assemblage associated with a Sonoran Desert riparian corridor at a wildland-urban interface using mist netting (2002-2005) to assess differential spatial and temporal resource use. My capture rate was high (17 species and 961 individuals) considering the aridity of the area; however, landscape complexity of this montane region undoubtedly contributes to foraging opportunities. I found that bats were distributed along the canyon when water was plentiful but their activity was concentrated at isolated pools during dry periods. I also found temporal variation in pool-use by the most frequently captured species. I conducted an acoustic study to measure bat-use between deciduous riparian and Sonoran desertscrub communities. I measured activity levels using number of acoustic call files. I found greater bat foraging in desertscrub and used a multidisciplinary approach to determine why bats might use the more arid environment. All capture data and supporting analyses are included in appendices.