The thesis deals with the Scottish National Party and Plaid Cymru - the Party of Wales and their transformation in the context of the establishment of devolutionary institutions: the Scottish Parliament and the National Assembly of Wales. At first, it presents the main terms with which the work will operate, and the concept of regional parties, focusing on their classification based on the origin and stance on the territorial-political arrangement. Further, the thesis will deal with the development of tendencies leading to the establishment of devolution in both regions. The background conditions and the main purpose leading to the establishment of both parties differed significantly and played an important role throughout their whole existence. The Scottish National Party has demanded Scotland's independence since its establishment, while Plaid Cymru was formed mainly to protect Welsh culture and language. The emergence of devolution in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland has provided regional parties with a new opportunity to strengthen their position in their regional political systems. Both the Scottish National Party and Plaid Cymru had to adapt to the new conditions and create a new strategy for the new political environment. The work should answer the question of how...

No description available.

Frailty poses a complex challenge for some people through their experience of ageing. In Wales, devolution requires organisations to use a whole systems approach with a model of partnership to deliver public services. An integrated care approach is offered to meet the service user focus or ‗value demand‘ which impacts on clinical, professional, organisational and policy levels within the system. Therefore, the aim of this study was to explore whether there was a difference between integrated health and social care day services and non- integrated health and social care day services. In doing so, answering the questions, how were these services different, what were the differences as perceived by the participants, why were they different, what could be learned from this study and how could health and social care services integrate in practice? The study utilized Gadamer‘s interpretative hermeneutics with a single intrinsic case study design. Using this approach ensured that the unique voice of the individual lived experience was heard and interpreted within the whole system of the study. The participants were service users, carers and staff in a day hospital, an outpatient clinic, day centre, reablement team and a joint day care facility. The methods included a survey questionnaire (SF12v2 and London Handicap Scale), in-depth interviews, observations; and historical and service documents; and reflective diary. Data collection occurred January 2005 to December 2006. Quantitative and qualitative data were analysed separately. The qualitative data was analysed using Gadamer‘s five stage approach developed by Fleming et al (2003) and Nvivo 7.0. The embedded quantitative data was analysed using SPSS version 13.0. Triangulation was achieved through the use of a meta matrix which merged the qualitative and quantitative data. The difference between integrated and non integrated services is expressed through the four themes, ‗the study participants‘, ‗commissioning and decommissioning integrated services‘, ‗the journey within day services‘, ‗navigating services and orchestrating care‘. The four themes were developed through a strategy used for interpreting the findings, which was to follow the study questions, propositions and ‗emic‘ questions. The differences between the integrated and non integrated services were in the meaning of their purpose, culture, level of integration, team orientation of practice and the model of service user/carer relationship observed within the services. The thesis identified challenges in respect of integrated working such as concept confusion, negative experiences of care for frail or older people, a vertical gap in knowledge transfer between strategic organisation, the operational services and service users. Mapping each service level of integration and team orientation to the model of service user and carer relationship, found that the level of team orientation and integration does not appear to be proportionate to the service user and carer relationship. The thesis concludes that in order to attempt to answer the question as to whether these day services can integrate in the practice, all levels of the system should focus on the service user/carer relationship. We need to understand service user diagnosis, how its characteristics and effect are interpreted by the service user, carer, professional and wider society in relation to independence and autonomy. It argues that knowledge emerges at this micro level (service user and carer relationship) and how we engage with this relationship and manage the knowledge we gain from it (both vertically and horizontally), will lead us to understand how we can ensure that integration occurs and that services in the future are person focussed.

The Scottish Parliament which (re)convened in 1999 was designed to engender a new style of political practice. This ‘new politics’ was intended to address perceived failures within the ‘Westminster approach’ to policy‐making and the ‘democratic deficit’ believed to have emerged during the 1980s in Scotland. Key to achieving this were four principles around which the Parliament’s operations were designed: power‐sharing; accountability; accessibility and participation; and equal opportunities. Citing accessibility and participation as the ‘cornerstone’ of their work, the Parliament’s institutional architects (the Consultative Steering Group) argued that devolution should deliver a participatory democracy, with proactive efforts to be made by the Parliament to involve groups traditionally excluded from the policy process. Due to the increasing prominence in recent years of discourse relating to young people’s disillusionment with organised politics and the CSG’s recommendation that every effort should be made to include them in the new Parliament’s work, this research examines the degree to which greater accessibility to and participation in the Parliament’s work has been delivered for children and young people during the Parliament’s first two terms (1999‐2007). Findings are based upon a mixed‐methodological case‐study approach, involving an audit of the Parliament's activity and qualitative input from MSPs, Parliament staff, representatives of youth charities / organisations / advocacy groups, and young people themselves. The thesis argues that progress has been more pronounced in relation to accessibility than participation for younger people. The neoinstitutionalist theoretical framework suggests that insufficient rule specification in relation to the value of public participation and younger people has resulted in the emergence of hybridised logics of appropriate behaviour, particularly among parliamentarians. The result is the persistence of attitudes and practices which appear to reinforce aspects of Westminster practice and an adultist approach to young people’s role in politics. Drawing upon recent developments in neoinstitutionalist theories of reliable reproduction, institutional breakdown and gradual change, the thesis examines the institutional logic behind the failure to consolidate the Parliament’s founding vision.

The Welfare Reform Bill Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 contains a section referred to as "Charitable Choice." This section was designed to ensure that faith-based agencies were not discriminated against in the awarding of federal funding. States are not required to implement any part of the initiative, except ensuring that there is no discrimination against faith-based organizations. States have responded in a variety of ways in the hope of increasing the number of faith-based organizations receiving and competing for social services funds. Although religious groups have been receiving government funds to provide social services for much of American history, the faith-based initiative represents a new effort from both state and federal government to encourage even greater participation. There has been a tremendous amount of research on the impact of the faith-based organizations; however, very little attention has been given to the non-religious based social service organizations. To understand the impact of the faith-based implementation on non-religious based social service agencies, the primary focus was on examining: personnel, clientele, programs and services data, as well as internal and external factors. The secondary focus was determining if the implementation of the faith-based initiative signified the “second-order of devolution.” The study focused on three NBSSOs in Washington, D.C. Interviews were conducted with agency officials and data collected from all three agencies. While supporters argue that the faith-based initiative is about solving problems of poverty, taxing an over-burdened welfare system and violating the constitution, the researcher found that there was no impact of the faith-based initiative on non-religious based social service organizations. The participating agencies had been impacted by elected officials, public policy and federal funding, however; research also shows that there was no evidence of a “second-order of devolution.” The expected outsourcing of public services and the creation of numerous models of welfare systems with a variety of public-private partnerships that included secular non-profit organizations, for-profit organizations and religious organizations had not occurred.

M.Com. (Taxation) / The transition of South Africa to a democracy signifies large-scale changes in the political and economic spheres. The public sector, one of the main participants in the economy, does not escape this transformation. A more democratic structure entails, inter alia, increased empowerment of sub-national levels of government. This means that various functions must be devolved to provinces along with certain revenue sources in a bid to increase their autonomy and efficiency in service delivery. The fundamental aim of this paper is to analyze the intended future constitutional order of South Africa according to theoretical principles of decentralisation and tax devolution, and to propose a suitable tax framework for the new order. A primary prerequisite for a new tax structure is that the economic return on the revenue absorbed by government should be maximised. The problem is that some taxes are suitable for devolution and some should remain in the control of the national government. Furthermore, existing tax structures have to be considered when devising new tax frameworks.

Le long processus de revendication de l’autonomie en Écosse était couronné de succès en 1997 avec le rétablissement d’un Parlement local. Aujourd’hui, à quelques années seulement de cet événement majeur, l'actualité s’intéresse déjà à l'organisation d’un référendum sur l’indépendance complète du pays qui se tiendrait prochainement. En politique, une semaine est décidément une longue période, comme l'affirmait l’ancien Premier ministre Harold Wilson. Mais est-ce une raison valable pour oublier le passé ? Qui s'intéresse, par exemple, aujourd’hui à un autre référendum écossais, celui de 1979 ? Celui-ci, en dépit de son échec "programmé" ne mérite pas le mépris des historiens car c’est à partir de ce "désastre" politique que le processus conduisant à 1997 tire sa force. Cette thèse est une analyse minutieuse de l'état d’esprit en Écosse et les facteurs divers et contradictoires incitant l'électorat écossais à l'enthousiasme, au désintérêt et à l'absentéisme lors du référendum de 1979. Elle cherche à comprendre comment une nation dont le sentiment identitaire est si fort n’a pas trouvé de point de ralliement dans un projet politique visant à lui donner plus d'autonomie. Elle analyse comment un gouvernement de gauche a cru nécessaire de proposer un projet de dévolution en opposition avec sa propre philosophie politique et qui l'a conduit à sa perte. Enfin, elle explore comment la "victoire" des opposants à ce projet de dévolution, et tout particulièrement le Parti conservateur britannique, pouvait si mal interpréter le vrai message de l'électorat écossais lors de ce grand rendez-vous manqué. Cette thèse invite les historiens à une meilleure appréciation de la notion de "défaite" en politique et rappelle l'importance parfois très complexe du rôle joué par le passé dans les choix identitaires présents et à venir du peuple écossais. / Scotland’s long road to self-government was crowned with success in 1997 when the parliament was re-established in Edinburgh. Today, within only a few years of this momentous event, political analysts have already turned their attention to a forthcoming referendum on complete independence. As a former Prime minister was once keen to point out “a week is a long time in politics”, but is it a valid reason for ignoring the past? Who today, for instance, is interested in another referendum, that of 1979? Despite its image of "programmed” failure, this historical event does not deserve the contempt it has received from historians for it is precisely from this “disaster” that the processes leading to 1997 can be traced. This thesis is a detailed analysis of the state of mind of the Scottish people and the various and contradictory factors which pushed them towards enthusiasm, disinterest and absenteeism during the referendum of 1979. It seeks to understand how a nation so imbued with the sense of its own identity was unable to support a political project aimed at giving it more control over its own affairs. It analyses how a left-wing government found it necessary to propose a project of devolution of its own powers which was in conflict with its own political philosophy and which ultimately led to its own self-destruction. Finally, it examines how the message sent by the Scottish people at the time of this great “victory” should have been so badly understood by the antis and in particular by the Conservative Party. This thesis invites historians to think more carefully about the notion of “defeat” in political terms and remember the importance and often complex role played by the past, and popular images of the past, in shaping the sense of belonging and identity in the present and determining the future choices of the people of Scotland.

L'année 2009 marque le trentième anniversaire de l'accession au pouvoir de la première femme Premier ministre du Royaume-Uni, Margaret Thatcher, et ainsi le début d'une période dont la politique est marquée par son idéologie, celle du parti conservateur sous sa direction. Certains avancent même que la politique entreprise par le parti travailliste par la suite, et ce depuis son élection en 1997, est une poursuite du travail entrepris par les conservateurs sous la direction de Margaret Thatcher. Or, la période des trente années précédentes a aussi vu une évolution spectaculaire des statuts des composantes de l'Union britannique. En effet, 1979 est l'année du premier référendum sur la question constitutionnelle. Si ce référendum, par sa nature même, était voué à l'échec, il ne mit pas pour autant fin à un travail acharné des partisans de l'autonomie écossaise. Sous l'influence de courants nationalistes, les nations de l'Union britannique acquirent davantage d'indépendance dans le processus nommé dévolution. La fin des années soixante-dix est aussi une période de mobilisation quant à la question de la représentation des femmes dans la société écossaise, et plus particulièrement dans la sphère politique. Ainsi, ces deux problématiques (d'une part la question constitutionnelle et d'autre part la place des femmes en politique) semblent intimement liées dans la période 1979-2009, puisque la population écossaise ainsi que des groupes de réflexion constitués de femmes ont travaillé ardemment afin d'obtenir une meilleure représentation dans le monde politique, et de manière générale, dans la société. Ce travail de recherche s’interroge quant à l’incidence qu’a pu avoir cette période de changements sur le statut des femmes en Écosse – y a-t-il eu une amélioration de leur représentation ? Et si c'était le cas, ce changement serait-il imputable au nouveau système politique mis en place ? Les dix premières années de travail du nouveau Parlement écossais (1999-2009) sont analysées à travers du prisme de la question de la représentation des femmes et du particularisme (ou non) de la politique menée par une instance plus féminisée. / In 1979, Margaret Thatcher became the United Kingdom’s first female Prime Minister and 2009 was thus the 30th anniversary of that historical landmark. Those three decades are sometimes considered as having been largely influenced by her policy, even during the Labour rule (1997-2010) which followed her Premiership (1979-1990, followed by John Major’s). The same period became the scene of much debate on the constitutional question, as 1979 was the year of the failed referendum on devolution. However, it did not prevent those who believed in Scotland’s autonomy from further considering their options. At the same time, the Women’s Movement fought for gender equality, in the political area as well as other domains. Both causes collided in the call for better representation, which culminated in the 1990s. The research led on those particular times of change questions the links between both movements (the one in favour of autonomy and the one for gender equality) and whether they were able to work together towards a better representation of women in Scotland. The first ten years of the Scottish Parliament (1999-2009) are looked at through the scope of that notion of female representation: was a better one achieved? And if so, has it had a major impact on the way matters are handled in the newly established Scottish Parliament?

The aim of this research was to undertake cross-county comparisons within the UK in relation to cross-border HE study mobility in order to inform understanding of, and raise issues in relation to, social inequalities between students, and the role and effect in this of policy and sectoral conditions associated with where they live. The research examined whether cross-border mobility for study within the UK reinforces inequalities in higher education (HE) participation, in relation to students’ social origin, educational background and ethnicity. It contributes new knowledge on this form of HE participation, to wider research on social inequalities in HE, and on issues of social citizenship in post-devolution UK. Sectoral and policy differences within the UK provided context for the study, which also drew on research evidence on student choice and participation, and theoretically on the concept of situated rationality in both rational action theory, specifically relative risk aversion, and cultural reproduction theory as applied to HE participation. Student and country/region differences in mobility to geographical and institution destinations were analysed using Higher Education Statistics Agency (HESA) data, principally of young full-time undergraduate entrants in 2012 (N=290510; N movers=22155). Key variables were social characteristics, attainment, field of study and tariff level of the institution entered; and additionally field of study supply, average earnings and professional employment rates. Descriptive, logistic regression, marginal effects and average marginal effects analyses provided findings on student differences and inequalities in outward mobility. The findings suggest that cross-border mobility serves different purposes by country of domicile. Established paths in relation to social and geographical origin appeared important in the high outward mobility from Northern Ireland and Wales, as did HE supply within Northern Ireland, and to a lesser extent within Wales. From Scotland, there was less concentration of destinations in relation to place, with patterns of mobility explained better by institution type entered; and from England mobility was defined more strongly by place of domicile for movement to Wales and by institution type entered for movement to Scotland. Mobility was associated with entering an institution with a higher average entry tariff compared to staying in the home country. An overall relationship was found between socio-economic advantage and mobility, but there were important findings that could not be interpreted as simply reproducing wider inequalities in HE participation which sectoral and policy contextual factors helped to explain. Although social class effect on mobility from England was limited, and being ‘first generation’ was positively associated with mobility from Northern Ireland. Despite the extent of mobility from Northern Ireland and Wales of students from a range of backgrounds, social class effects were strong for students from both. Shorter compared to longer distance cross-border mobility appeared less strongly associated with socio-economic advantage and more strongly with movement to lower tariff institutions. Relative field of study under-supply within the home country was associated more with mobility to lower than higher tariff institutions. Some Black and Minority Ethnic students may be mobile to enter an HEI or location with greater ethnic mix than their home area. Inflows from the rest of the UK had the strongest impact on Welsh and Scottish institutions. Cross-border mobility can be conceptualised as reasoned action based on a cost-benefit evaluation influenced both by the students’ cultural and financial resources, and external constraints and opportunities. It reinforces social inequalities in HE participation, but there is under-recognised social diversity in this mobility, as enabling policy conditions also benefit those from less socio-economically advantaged backgrounds. Such students are least likely to have the resources to mitigate any policy changes that increase the cost of or create barriers to cross-border mobility; and would be least likely to have the resources to be mobile to overcome any reduction in the availability and accessibility of HE in the home country. These groups of students that should be the main focus of concern and attention both in further policy development and in future research.

<p>Ethiopia is exercising decentralisation of the health system and thus this study assesses lessons learned about the experiences of the decentralization of institutions in heoretical terms. The problem investigated in this study concerns the lack of institutional capacity to effectively provide services, lack of transparency, responsibility and accountability. Decision making is also very remote from the people with regard to resource allocation and public health service delivery. The scope of this study covers the Southern Nations, Nationalities and People&rsquo / s Regional State of Ethiopia and its relationship with the Cheha District in the area of health service decentralization. The objective of this study was to identify fundamental elements of decentralization of health institutions and the impact on the performance of the health system at local government level in the Cheha District in Ethiopia.</p>