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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Tufts University, 2005. / Adviser: Robert Pfaltzgraff, Jr. Submitted to the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 455-492). Access restricted to members of the Tufts University community. Also available via the World Wide Web;

Thesis--United States should reassess its Public Diplomacy strategy toward Cuba and the key role that Public Diplomacy plays in preparing the Cuban people to transition to a free and democratic state. RATIONALE: The Castro Regime has a monopoly on all media and information in Cuba, which permits the regime to control what the Cuban people see and believe about the outside world and indeed their own country. Therefore, the people of Cuba are Castro's center of gravity and as such are the key force for transition and change to a free and democratic Cuba. The Informational Element of Power and Public Diplomacy are the premier tools the United States has to shape the message to the Cuban population. This tool is designed to provide objective and unbiased information to the Cuban population. As Castro ages and approaches the end of his regime, the United States has a window of opportunity to educate the Cuban population. It is imperative that the United States maximize this window of opportunity. Public diplomacy has the responsibility to shape the informational battlespace and the mandate to address the misconceptions that the populous might have. The United States can not wait until Castro's departure to engage the Cuban people. The United States needs to change its current engagement strategy and directly engage the Cuban people now. APPROACH: After a brief history of United States-Cuban relations, to include the current state of this relationship, this strategy research paper evaluates the Informational Element of Power, but most specifically, the role of public diplomacy and Cuba. Next, it looks at the current United State-Cuba situation through the Basic Five Ring Model developed by John A. Warden, III. The paper then applies Warden's model to the Cuban public diplomacy message. Next, the paper proposes a way ahead for the public diplomacy strategy toward Cuba. Finally, this paper recommends changes to current public diplomacy policy to set the strategy for a post-Castro era. / "18 March 2005"--P. iii. Includes bibliographical references (p. 25-27). Full text document available on public STINET.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010. / Thesis Advisor(s): Looney, Robert; Second Reader: McNab, Robert. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Turkey, Energy, Energy Hub, Energy Policy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-110). Also available in print.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2007. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 239-246).

This study focuses on the Kenyan mediation of the Somali conflict and strategic intervention engagement between 2002 and 2012. The core aim of the study was to establish and evaluate the role and effects of track-one diplomacy on conflict management and post-conflict reconstruction as pertains to the Somali conflict and on the basis of the Kenyan experience. A qualitative approach was followed in this study. It employed a descriptive, explanatory and analytical case-study method. The data were collected through interviews and documentary analysis. The twenty-two participants in the study were drawn from the Kenyan Foreign Ministry, the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the Regional Centre on Small Arms and Light Weapons (RECSA), the International Peace Support Training Centre (IPSTC), the East African Standby Force Co-ordination Mechanism (EASFCOM), the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), the United Nations Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS), the African Peace Forum Organization (APFO), and selected respondents representing the Somali people. The documents comprised policy treatises, protocols, treaties, and communiqués highlighting the actions of the Kenyan government and other track-one actors in the Somali peace endeavour. Other scholarly research on official diplomacy, soft-power and conflict management by small States – in particular African case studies – were also utilised. The study revealed that Kenya’s diplomatic and stabilisation efforts had their own dynamics and challenges. This is especially so with regard to the preferred policy option of exercising diplomacy that utilises soft-power resources. This diplomacy had to contend with the challenges of dealing with sensitive aspects of the process. These sensitive aspects involved a recognition of and complicated engagement with the Somali conflict-constituencies, and a complex mapping of various actors and their respective interests. Contrary to the expected outcomes, interests and issues 17 proliferated, and the original peace-making agenda was consistently slowed down and complicated. The study also revealed that Kenya ought to have exercised a non-directive role in dealing with the different Somali conflict players. This role provides that such an “interested mediator” ought to exercise some considerable influence over the mediation environment. It also emerged from the study that as pertains to the current peace-making developments in Somalia that began in 2005 onwards to 2012, it is important that different intermediary co-operative roles be recognized and utilised. Towards this end, the study recommends that Kenya’s diplomacy should adopt a strategy of co-operation with those regional regimes that it helped to establish. A case in reference is the diplomatic opportunity of utilising regional arms control and disarmament diplomacy. This is Kenya’s intermediary co-operative role with RECSA, which is mandated to support arms control and disarmament implementation efforts in the East African region. The study also recommends that strategic foreign policy and regional actions by Kenya should be taken up given its new lease of engagement, noting that it was officially integrated into AMISOM in 2012. The study posited that in the ongoing engagement environment there would be a ‘revisiting’ of the experiences and complexities of the first phase of engagement (2002-2004). It is, therefore, recommended that Kenya should seize this opportunity and continue with its ‘facilitative and enabling role’ in its peace diplomacy, while utilising the lessons learnt in past engagements.

Diplomacy has been changing and evolving for some time now. Diplomacy has gone public and new types of diplomacy and diplomatic tools have emerged. The number of actors has pluralised. The emergence of new technologies, like social media, also offers a new addition on how diplomacy is being conducted. However, a far less discussed diplomatic tool is diaspora. The diaspora of a country can also be used to conduct diplomacy. “Both ‘diaspora’ and ‘diplomacy’ are concepts that have undergone considerable expansion in recent years, marking a shift away from understanding diaspora as a descriptive category and diplomacy as the practice of state officials respectively” (Ho & McConnell, 2017, p. 15). The study aims to gain a better understanding of how the diaspora of a country can be used as a diplomatic tool in the world of ‘New Diplomacy’. The theoretical framework builds upon the notions of New Diplomacy, Diaspora Studies and the existing pre-understanding of Diaspora Diplomacy. The study pursues a qualitative research approach by means of a Comparative Case Study conducted with the method of Most-Similar Case Comparison. The two cases analysed are those of Greece and Ireland, in which the former is identified as the case facing challenges in relation to modern-day diaspora diplomacy, while the latter is identified as a successful case. The research uses both primary and secondary data. The secondary data was collected by means of the empirical research method of Participant Observation. The researcher identified four independent variables in order to explain the dependent variable which is ‘Successful Diaspora Diplomacy’. Three independent variables, ‘Nature of their diaspora’, ‘Recent socio-economic developments’ and ‘Structure of ministry of foreign affairs & the position of the diaspora unit within it’ were concluded to be too similar among the two countries in order to explain the difference in successfulness of their diaspora diplomacy. The analysis conducted indicated that the fourth independent variable ‘New Diplomacy-Culture’, however, was significantly different among the two cases and leads to an explanation of the difference in the outcome. The findings of this research indicated that a ‘New Diplomacy-Culture’ should incorporate the following characteristics and initiatives: a concrete diaspora strategy; individual initiatives all need to be linked to the strategy, but at the same time be tailor-made for the different types of diaspora members; all actions need to be monitored and evaluated; and technology needs to be utilised. Furthermore, governments should adopt a facilitating role instead of an implementing role. Knowledge sharing and access to networks constitute two of the main benefits that a country can achieve through Diaspora Diplomacy. In general, new diplomacy initiatives are not sufficient for achieving successful diaspora diplomacy if foreign ministries do not adopt a new diplomacy mentality as a whole. Countries should focus on communication, cooperation and a culture of openness, flexibility and transparency. In New Diplomacy the notion that citizens play a more prominent role than they used to in the past, is central. This idea can be expanded to include diasporas as well. Furthermore, not only should New Diplomacy include diaspora, but also the other way around; in order for Diaspora Diplomacy to be successful, it should include New Diplomacy in its practices. This brings us to the conceptualisation of a new subfield of New Diplomacy and Diaspora Diplomacy, that of New Diaspora Diplomacy. New Diaspora Diplomacy is Diaspora Diplomacy that incorporates a high degree of elements of 21st century’s New Diplomacy, in order to successfully achieve diaspora engagement on contemporary issues of strategical importance.

This is an exploration of the effects of the press on British and German foreign policy between 1876 and 1906. The dissertation considers the growing influence of the press on Anglo-German relations. Historians have provided discussions of how domestic presses can affect their home governments. This dissertation adds to that by analyzing the consequences of the debates between the British and German presses on their governments’ foreign policy. The possibility for Anglo-German cooperation during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries receives significant interest due to debates regarding the origins of World War I. The reasons put forth by historians for the inability to conclude an Anglo-German agreement despite similar interests during this period include the volatility of Wilhelm II’s personality, the growth of the German navy, and the expansion of the German empire. I add to this discussion by analyzing how the British and German presses’ opinions increasingly inhibited Anglo-German diplomacy. In this analysis, I use six journals, representing the ‘official’ (London Times, Kölnische Zeitung), ‘semi-official’ (Pall Mall Gazette, Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung), and satirical (Punch, Kladderadatsch) segments of the British and German presses. I begin with a discussion of the two presses during the Near East Crisis (1876- 1878). During this period, the presses expressed growing interest in international affairs, prompting more concerns with how their governments dealt with other Great Powers. Following this discussion, I consider the effects of colonial competition in Africa between 1878 and 1896 on the diplomatic relations of Great Britain, France, and Germany. This is necessary to establish the background for the final section of the dissertation. The last part of the dissertation explores the British and German presses’ responses to each other between the Jameson Raid and the Algeciras Conference. It is during this later period, when British and German imperial interests conflicted, and when the Russian threat dissolved for Great Britain, that the final efforts for rapprochement between the two governments failed, leading to permanent estrangement. The British and German presses had a significant role in causing this separation, by using their articles to expand the distrust already existent between their governments.

As a conceptual term for national development relations, soft power has been paid more and more attention in recent years. Although the rise of soft power is indisputable, the most significant questions are how to build soft power and the most effective way to build soft power. The theoretical viewpoint held by this thesis is that more soft power can be obtained most effectively through cultural diplomacy. The basis is based on the observation of Japan. Japan has successfully achieved cultural diplomacy in North America through a foreign cultural propaganda agency called the Japan Foundation. Therefore, in addition to analyzing the theoretical framework of soft power and cultural diplomacy, this paper will also focus on the case study of the Japan Foundation in North America. By constructing the theoretical framework and the case study, this thesis aims to provide a practical example for future research or cultural diplomacy practice. / Master thesis

Since coming to power in 1997 the Labour government of the United Kingdom(U.K.) has renovated the diplomatic system so that the planning of commercial diplomacy has been centralized, the commercial activities of diplomats have been extended, and business interests have been formally integrated within the diplomatic systems. The changes to the institutions and practice of U.K. diplomacy now under way have created a diplomatic practice in which the balance between the commercial and political elements of commercial work has swung very much in favor of the former.