Este trabalho propõe uma reflexão sobre como o discurso diplomático estabelece um enredo para a identidade nacional e colabora para a construção de uma narrativa de país. Em um mundo cada vez mais interdependente e conectado, a metanarrativa de país precisa do suporte de uma inserção internacional autônoma, criativa e pragmática para continuar a se estabelecer. Diante desse contexto, o governo Lula (2003-2010) reposicionou o Brasil no cenário internacional e colocou a política externa a serviço de seu projeto de nação. O governo adotou uma estratégia de valorização da autoestima, reforçada pela ideia de Brasil emergente, da solidariedade latino-americana e da reaproximação com a África, para alterar algumas figuras narrativas da rede simbólica da identidade nacional e tentar superar suas diversas contradições. A partir da análise de discursos da diplomacia brasileira, estabeleceu-se um percurso teórico interdisciplinar para demonstrar as inter-relações entre narrativa de país, discurso diplomático e identidade nacional, ajudando a revelar a estrutura do mito nacional brasileiro. / This research proposes a reflection on how the diplomatic discourse establishes a plot to national identity and contributes do build a narrative of country. Faced with an increasingly interdependent and connected world, the metanarrative of country needs the support of an autonomous, creative and pragmatic international insertion to establish itself. In this context, Lula administration (2003-2010) repositioned Brazil internationally and put foreign policy in the service of its national project. The strategy adopted by the government was to enhance self-esteem, strengthened by the idea of the emerging Brazil, the Latin American solidarity and the rapprochement with Africa, to change some narratives figures of the symbolic network of national identity, and try to overcome its many contradictions. From the analysis of speeches of Brazilian diplomacy, It was settled an interdisciplinary theoretical path to demonstrate the interrelationships between country of narrative, diplomatic discourse and national identity, revealing the structure of the Brazilian national myth.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:22:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Gabriela Goncalves Barbosa.pdf: 1224201 bytes, checksum: 837110392f396c865c633864a4073c1f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-09-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Brazil's relations with the South America were not always considered a priority for Brazilian foreign policy. In reviewing some historical relationships of Brazil to its neighbors, we realize that during the 1990s begins to occur a shift in focus, especially after the accession of Mexico to NAFTA, followed by the proposed creation of the FTAA by the United States, financial crises and attacks of September 11, 2001, among others. At the end of the Cardoso government we realize the need to deepen political dialogue with South America, but it is only during the two terms of Luis Inacio Lula da Silva that this idea was widely supported and, in certain way, popularized. Based on it, this paper aims to discuss the importance attached to South America in Brazil's foreign policy from an analysis of the insertion of "South America" in the diplomatic discourse in Brazil during the Lula government. For this, we will analyze the official statements of President Lula between 2003 and 2010. The approach of modernist linguists when emphasizing the discourse and its power to construct the social reality is an inspiration, and at the end, we propose an analysis of inserting South America in Brazilian diplomatic discourse, starting from the idea of "model correction" and the development of the logistics paradigm - proposed by Cervo, and also the idea of "continuity of parameters of foreign policy" and the concept of presidential diplomacy - proposed by Danese. We realized that the consolidation of South America, for the Brazilian government, would be a key process in the quality of the international insertion of Brazil, where the challenge is to establish trust in political relations from a demonstrated Brazilian commitment in deepening South America s integration, through a process of knowledge and conviction that through acts of speech and direct relationship, the coordination between the countries of South America is of outstanding importance for a more effective participation in international forums. / As relações do Brasil com a América do Sul nem sempre foram consideradas prioritárias para a política externa brasileira. Ao analisarmos o histórico de aproximações e distanciamentos do Brasil em relação aos seus vizinhos, percebemos que durante a década de 1990 começa a ocorrer uma mudança de foco, especialmente após a adesão do México ao NAFTA, seguido pela proposta de criação da ALCA pelos Estados Unidos, crises financeiras e atentados de 11 de setembro de 2001, entre outros. Já no final do governo Cardoso percebe-se a necessidade do aprofundamento político com a América do Sul, mas é apenas durante os dois mandatos de Luís Inácio Lula da Silva que essa ideia foi amplamente defendida e de certo modo, popularizada. Sendo assim, este trabalho busca discutir a importância atribuída ao sul-americanismo para a Política Externa do Brasil a partir de uma análise da inserção da América do Sul discurso diplomático brasileiro durante o governo Lula. Para isso, serão analisados os pronunciamentos oficiais do presidente Lula entre 2003 e 2010. A abordagem dos modernistas lingüistas ao enfatizarem o discurso e seu poder de construir a realidade social nos serve de inspiração, e ao final, propomos uma análise da inserção da América do Sul no discurso diplomático brasileiro no período objeto do nosso estudo a partir da ideia correção de modelo e do aprofundamento do paradigma logístico - propostos por Cervo, e também da ideia de continuidade de parâmetros de política externa e do conceito de diplomacia presidencial - propostos por Danese. Percebemos que a consolidação da América do Sul, no entendimento do governo brasileiro, seria um processo chave na qualidade da inserção internacional do Brasil, onde o grande desafio é estabelecer a confiança nas relações políticas a partir de uma demonstração de comprometimento do Brasil com o aprofundamento da integração sul-americana, passando por um processo de conhecimento e convencimento que, através de atos da fala e relacionamento direto, a coordenação entre os países da América do Sul é de destacada importância para uma participação mais eficaz em foros internacionais.

Este trabalho propõe uma reflexão sobre como o discurso diplomático estabelece um enredo para a identidade nacional e colabora para a construção de uma narrativa de país. Em um mundo cada vez mais interdependente e conectado, a metanarrativa de país precisa do suporte de uma inserção internacional autônoma, criativa e pragmática para continuar a se estabelecer. Diante desse contexto, o governo Lula (2003-2010) reposicionou o Brasil no cenário internacional e colocou a política externa a serviço de seu projeto de nação. O governo adotou uma estratégia de valorização da autoestima, reforçada pela ideia de Brasil emergente, da solidariedade latino-americana e da reaproximação com a África, para alterar algumas figuras narrativas da rede simbólica da identidade nacional e tentar superar suas diversas contradições. A partir da análise de discursos da diplomacia brasileira, estabeleceu-se um percurso teórico interdisciplinar para demonstrar as inter-relações entre narrativa de país, discurso diplomático e identidade nacional, ajudando a revelar a estrutura do mito nacional brasileiro. / This research proposes a reflection on how the diplomatic discourse establishes a plot to national identity and contributes do build a narrative of country. Faced with an increasingly interdependent and connected world, the metanarrative of country needs the support of an autonomous, creative and pragmatic international insertion to establish itself. In this context, Lula administration (2003-2010) repositioned Brazil internationally and put foreign policy in the service of its national project. The strategy adopted by the government was to enhance self-esteem, strengthened by the idea of the emerging Brazil, the Latin American solidarity and the rapprochement with Africa, to change some narratives figures of the symbolic network of national identity, and try to overcome its many contradictions. From the analysis of speeches of Brazilian diplomacy, It was settled an interdisciplinary theoretical path to demonstrate the interrelationships between country of narrative, diplomatic discourse and national identity, revealing the structure of the Brazilian national myth.

Выпускная квалификационная работа посвящена изучению когнитивных метафор в дипломатическом дискурсе. Данный феномен рассматривается на примере речи официального представителя Министерства Иностранных Дел Российской Федерации Марии Захаровой. Теоретическая глава содержит описание дипломатического дискурса как феномена, смежного с другими дискурсами (политическим, масс-медийным, военным, юридическим), а также перечисление лингвистических особенностей дипломатических текстов. Автором также представлены основные положения теории концептуальной метафоры. В практической части исследование проведен лингвокогнитивный анализ метафор в речи российского дипломата Марии Захаровой. Выделены разные типы социоморфных, ориентационных, антропоморфных, артефактных метафор, которые получают когнитивную и лингвоаксиологическую интерпретацию. Выявлены наиболее частотные метафорические модели (метафоры искусства, войны, пути). / The final qualifying work is devoted to the study of cognitive metaphors in diplomatic discourse. This phenomenon is considered on the example of the speech of the official representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Maria Zakharova. The theoretical chapter contains a description of diplomatic discourse as a phenomenon related to other discourses (political, mass media, military, legal), as well as a list of linguistic features of diplomatic texts. The author also presents the main provisions of the theory of conceptual metaphor. A linguocognitive analysis of metaphors in the speech of Russian diplomat Maria Zakharova was conducted in the practical part of the study. Different types of sociomorphic, orientational, anthropomorphic, and artifact metaphors are identified. They receive cognitive and linguo-axiological interpretation. The most frequent metaphorical model revealed (metaphors of the art, metaphors of war, metaphors of the way).

By combing DTS with a three-dimensional model adapted from DHA, we aim to study the discursive construction of national identities in (political) diplomatic discourse between China and the West, from a translation perspective. Specifically, we examine the translation of national affiliations and forms of address between 1792 and 1867, when China was experiencing a national identity crisis. We describe and explain what and how the Chinese and Western national identities were constructed by translation, using mainly qualitative analysis, supported at times by quantitative analysis. We also investigate the extent to which translators have aligned themselves with the governments they served, and the norm they followed before and during the identity crisis. Traditionally, discourse-historical approach (DHA) has typically been applied to study the discursive construction of national identity in political discourse. However, DHA has not yet taken into account the phenomenon of translation, though translation is an important tool for constructing and promoting national identities. Meanwhile, translation studies (TS) on national identity have traditionally not adopted DHA, though DHA has been typically applied to study the construction of national identity in political discourse. Moreover, TS on national identity often focuses on linguistic and political tensions within a bilingual or multilingual nation or institution. However, national discourse in intercultural clashes between two distinct countries also remains to be explored. Our corpus is collected from historical discourse in diplomatic missions and discourse of diplomatic officials, which consists of 29 letters and proclamations with a total word count of 25,794. The results of this study show that the affiliations of translators shaped their translation strategies in constructing national identity. Translators who claimed allegiance to the Qing court tended to follow the norm of tributary discourse to construct a discourse where the Chinese national identity appeared superior and Sinocentric, while the Western national identity appeared inferior and subordinate. However, norms are not fixed but open to change. During the Chinese national identity crisis, the gradual change in translation regularities and the abolition of certain discursive practices via an official statement from the authorities reflected a weakening of the norm of tributary discourse. This evolution of the norm could reflect, at least in part, China’s changing attitude toward the West and the transformation of Chinese national identity. Our study contributes to PDA, political discourse translation, and translation history. Firstly, it extends the traditionally monolingual application of DHA to the bilingual context of DTS, proving that the discipline of (D)TS and DHA benefit from interdisciplinary cooperation, thus pointing to a promising direction in PDA and political discourse translation. Secondly, our study enriches TS on identity and ideology by studying different forms of power struggles in political discourse, thus enlarging the variety of political discourse and advancing a more extensive PDA. Thirdly, our study provides refreshing insights into textual markers, namely, national affiliations, nominal and pronominal forms of address, for studying identity issues in translated political discourse. Last but not least, our study contributes to the studies in the translation history of 19th-century China. / En combinant les études descriptives de la traduction (DTS) avec un modèle tridimensionnel adapté de l’approche historique-discursive (DHA), nous visons à étudier la construction discursive des identités nationales dans le discours diplomatique (politique) entre la Chine et l’Occident, du point de vue de la traduction. Plus précisément, nous examinons la traduction des affiliations nationales et des formes d’adresse dans le discours diplomatique (politique) entre 1792 et 1867, alors que la Chine traversait une crise d’identité nationale. Nous décrivons et expliquons comment les identités nationales chinoises et occidentales ont été construites par la traduction, en utilisant principalement une analyse qualitative, parfois soutenue par une analyse quantitative. Nous étudions également dans quelle mesure les traducteurs se sont alignés sur les gouvernements qu’ils servaient et la norme qu’ils suivaient avant et pendant la crise d’identité. Traditionnellement, l’DHA a été appliquée pour étudier la construction discursive de l’identité nationale dans le discours politique. Cependant, l’DHA n’a pas encore pris en compte le phénomène de la traduction, bien que la traduction soit un outil important pour la construction et la promotion des identités nationales. Par ailleurs, les études de traduction (TS) sur l’identité nationale n’ont généralement pas adopté l’DHA, bien que l’DHA ait été typiquement appliquée pour étudier la construction de l’identité nationale dans le discours politique. En outre, les TS sur l’identité nationale se concentrent souvent sur les tensions linguistiques et politiques au sein d’une nation ou d’une institution bilingue ou multilingue. Cependant, le discours national dans les conflits interculturels entre deux pays distincts reste également à explorer. Notre corpus est recueilli à partir du discours historique dans les missions diplomatiques et le discours des fonctionnaires diplomatique, qui se compose de 29 lettres et proclamations, avec un nombre total de mots de 25794. Les résultats de cette étude montrent que les affiliations des traducteurs ont influencé leurs stratégies de traduction dans la construction de l’identité nationale. Les traducteurs qui se réclamaient allégeance à la cour Qing avaient tendance à suivre la norme du discours tributaire pour construire un discours où l’identité nationale chinoise apparaissait supérieure et sinocentrique, tandis que l’identité nationale occidentale apparaissait inférieure et subordonnée. Toutefois, la norme n’était pas figée mais susceptible d’évoluer. Pandent la crise de l’identité nationale chinoise, le changement progressif des régularités de traduction et l’abolition de certaines pratiques discursives par une déclaration officielle des autorités reflétaient un affaiblissement de la norme du discours tributaire. Cette évolution de la norme pourrait refléter, au moins en partie, le changement de l’attitude de la Chine envers l’Occident et la transformation de l’identité nationale chinoise. Notre étude contribue à l’analyse discours politique (PDA), à la traduction du discours politique et à l’histoire de la traduction. Premièrement, elle étend l’application traditionnellement monolingue de l’DHA au contexte bilingue des DTS, prouvant que la discipline des (D)TS et de l’DHA bénéficient de la coopération interdisciplinaire, indiquant ainsi une direction prometteuse pour l’PDA et la traduction du discours politique. Deuxièmement, notre étude enrichit les TS sur l’identité et l’idéologie en étudiant différentes formes de luttes de pouvoir dans le discours politique, élargissant ainsi la variété du discours politique et faisant progresser le PDA plus étendue. Troisièmement, notre étude apporte un éclairage nouveau sur les marqueurs textuels, à savoir les affiliations nationales, les formes nominales et pronominales de l’adresse, pour étudier les problèmes d’identité dans le discours politique traduit. Enfin, notre étude contribue aux études sur l’histoire de la traduction en Chine au 19ème siècle.