In this thesis I consider the unique position that Polish artist Zofia Stryjeńska (1891-1974) occupied during the interwar period. Lauded during her time as the most popular artist in Poland, the acceptance of Stryjeńska's female voice in representing a national vocabulary was unprecedented and deserves closer examination. I assert that Poland's history of oppression created a unique environment where women as archetypal figures often took on masculine roles. These 'transgressive types' were visible in the literature and art of the 19th and 20th centuries. Stryjeńska's art, as well as her behavior, capitalized on these transgressive traditions. Women played an important role as visual and ideological figures within the national mythologies of Poland, and while these mythologies situated women as authorities in protecting, cultivating, and renewing the land, and by extension the nation, few women actually achieved the status of shaping them. Zofia Stryjeńska was an example of one who did. At the age of twenty-one Zofia cut her hair, dressed as her brother, and, as a boy, enrolled in the academy of fine art in Munich. This act found precedence in the years of Polish imagery and it ultimately allowed her to create a space for herself and her art. This thesis pays particular attention to Stryjeńska's part in the 1928 renovation of the Warsaw town square. Like many other artists at this time, she worked in many mediums and employed folk-art motifs and styles in the quest to create a truly "Polish" style. Stryjeńska's art drew on national images of Polish women as the Virgin Mary, the good Polish Mother, and Pagan Goddess. Idealized tropes, such as these, often represented a disconnect between everyday social norms and the greater ideals of a national identity. Zofia Stryjeńska embodied this juxtaposition. Her art drew on national images of Polish women filled with blurred gender boundaries. These images, prominent for centuries, at once empowered Polish women while also being relegated safely to the abstract realm of legend and myth. These female ideals, therefore, served as less of a threat to the rigid gender expectations that were a part of everyday Polish life. Zofia Stryjeńska was an example of a woman who laid claim to the female ideals of Polish culture. She used myth to define her behavior; her studies in Munich, and by doing so launched her life into the realm of myth, creating a sensationalized image more legend than reality.

TITLE: The Fictional Man: Ned Kelly in Peter Carey's True History of the Kelly Gang in Comparison with Older Portrayals AUTHOR: Adam Prentis DEPARTMENT: Department of English Language and Literature SUPERVISOR: PhDr. Petr Chalupský, Ph.D. ABSTRACT: The thesis concerns itself with the analysis of various personality aspects of the protagonist of Peter Carey's True History of the Kelly Gang (2000) - Ned Kelly. Albeit a historical figure, Ned Kelly is approached as a fictional character with focus placed on his symbolic status of Australian nationality, myth and manhood, and on the literary means that point to this. The separate aspects are placed in an evolutionary context through comparisons with older portrayals of the same character - in Max Brown's Australian Son (1948) and J. J. Kenneally's The Complete Inner History of the Kelly Gang and their Pursuers (1929), all of which use a heroising approach to the man. The work shows that Ned Kelly may be perceived in many complex ways, with further possibilities for analysis suggested. Comparing the three books, it is found that although considerable unifying tendencies and moments exist, some aspects have a significant difference in focus or emphasis. A shift is noted from a confrontational idealising defence of what is perceived as a historical person to a...

Este trabalho propõe uma reflexão sobre como o discurso diplomático estabelece um enredo para a identidade nacional e colabora para a construção de uma narrativa de país. Em um mundo cada vez mais interdependente e conectado, a metanarrativa de país precisa do suporte de uma inserção internacional autônoma, criativa e pragmática para continuar a se estabelecer. Diante desse contexto, o governo Lula (2003-2010) reposicionou o Brasil no cenário internacional e colocou a política externa a serviço de seu projeto de nação. O governo adotou uma estratégia de valorização da autoestima, reforçada pela ideia de Brasil emergente, da solidariedade latino-americana e da reaproximação com a África, para alterar algumas figuras narrativas da rede simbólica da identidade nacional e tentar superar suas diversas contradições. A partir da análise de discursos da diplomacia brasileira, estabeleceu-se um percurso teórico interdisciplinar para demonstrar as inter-relações entre narrativa de país, discurso diplomático e identidade nacional, ajudando a revelar a estrutura do mito nacional brasileiro. / This research proposes a reflection on how the diplomatic discourse establishes a plot to national identity and contributes do build a narrative of country. Faced with an increasingly interdependent and connected world, the metanarrative of country needs the support of an autonomous, creative and pragmatic international insertion to establish itself. In this context, Lula administration (2003-2010) repositioned Brazil internationally and put foreign policy in the service of its national project. The strategy adopted by the government was to enhance self-esteem, strengthened by the idea of the emerging Brazil, the Latin American solidarity and the rapprochement with Africa, to change some narratives figures of the symbolic network of national identity, and try to overcome its many contradictions. From the analysis of speeches of Brazilian diplomacy, It was settled an interdisciplinary theoretical path to demonstrate the interrelationships between country of narrative, diplomatic discourse and national identity, revealing the structure of the Brazilian national myth.

Este trabalho propõe uma reflexão sobre como o discurso diplomático estabelece um enredo para a identidade nacional e colabora para a construção de uma narrativa de país. Em um mundo cada vez mais interdependente e conectado, a metanarrativa de país precisa do suporte de uma inserção internacional autônoma, criativa e pragmática para continuar a se estabelecer. Diante desse contexto, o governo Lula (2003-2010) reposicionou o Brasil no cenário internacional e colocou a política externa a serviço de seu projeto de nação. O governo adotou uma estratégia de valorização da autoestima, reforçada pela ideia de Brasil emergente, da solidariedade latino-americana e da reaproximação com a África, para alterar algumas figuras narrativas da rede simbólica da identidade nacional e tentar superar suas diversas contradições. A partir da análise de discursos da diplomacia brasileira, estabeleceu-se um percurso teórico interdisciplinar para demonstrar as inter-relações entre narrativa de país, discurso diplomático e identidade nacional, ajudando a revelar a estrutura do mito nacional brasileiro. / This research proposes a reflection on how the diplomatic discourse establishes a plot to national identity and contributes do build a narrative of country. Faced with an increasingly interdependent and connected world, the metanarrative of country needs the support of an autonomous, creative and pragmatic international insertion to establish itself. In this context, Lula administration (2003-2010) repositioned Brazil internationally and put foreign policy in the service of its national project. The strategy adopted by the government was to enhance self-esteem, strengthened by the idea of the emerging Brazil, the Latin American solidarity and the rapprochement with Africa, to change some narratives figures of the symbolic network of national identity, and try to overcome its many contradictions. From the analysis of speeches of Brazilian diplomacy, It was settled an interdisciplinary theoretical path to demonstrate the interrelationships between country of narrative, diplomatic discourse and national identity, revealing the structure of the Brazilian national myth.

Le but principal de cette thèse est d’analyser les westerns et films partisans de notre corpus comme des récits mythiques qui véhiculent un mythe national, respectivement américain et yougoslave, et affirment ainsi la société et la nation en question. Le travail est divisé en quatre parties. La première partie étudie l’idéologie nationale et la notion de mythe national ; la deuxième est consacrée à l’analyse des oeuvres d’art en tant que récits mythiques créés autour d’une idéologie nationale, qui sert de « mythomoteur », selon l’expression d’Anthony D. Smith. La troisième partie examine l’axe diachronique du récit mythique et l’évolution de ces oeuvres dans le temps, et la quatrième partie creuse la relation entre l’idéologie véhiculée par les oeuvres et la réussite de la création du mythe national américain et yougoslave. / The principal goal of this thesis is to analyze the works of the corpus as mythical narratives that carry the notion of the national myth and that participate in the creation of the national myth of the society and the nation in question. The work is divided into four sections. The first section inspects the national ideology and the notion of the national myth. The second is dedicated to analyzing the works of our corpus as the mythical narratives. The principal idea is to analyze the works at hand as if they were created around the nationalist ideology (that serves as a mythomoteur, according to the definition proposed by Anthony D. Smith). The third section inspects the diachronical axis of the mythical narrative and the placement of the works on a temporal line (on that diachronical axis), while the fourth section inspects the relation between the ideology carried by the works of the corpus and the success of the creation of the American and Yugoslav national myth.

Depuis le début de la crise des réfugiés en Europe en 2014, nous observons une montée du nationalisme au sein de l’Union européenne. L’apparition de groupes nationalistes et anti-migrants nous montre cette tendance, puisque même en Allemagne, l’Alternativ für Deutschland, un parti d’extrême droite s’est implanté dans l’espace politique. L’Union européenne fait présentement face à une crise d’identité, selon Thierry Chopin de la fondation Robert Schuman et Gérard Bouchard, de l’institut Jacques-Delors. Selon eux, l’Union devrait puiser dans les différents mythes nationaux ayant déjà une forte résonnance au sein des différents pays-membres plutôt que d’en inventer de nouveaux. Le mythe d’Andreas Hofer est un bon exemple de ce phénomène. Le héros de la rébellion de 1809 contre l’occupation bavaroise au Tyrol jouit d’une forte popularité au Tyrol et au Tyrol du Sud, en Italie. Son nom se retrouve sur des enseignes d’auberge, sur des panneaux de rue, et de multiples statues peuplent le paysage tyrolien. Depuis 1984, le mythe de ce héros est entré dans une phase de changement : il est désormais possible de remettre en question la trame du mythe et des événements y étant liés, bref, de douter. À l’aide d’articles de journaux concernant le mythe et ses diverses manifestations (événements culturels, expositions dans divers musées, célébrations, débats politiques, etc.), nous tracerons l’évolution du mythe d’Andreas Hofer depuis l’entrée de l’Autriche au sein de l’Union européenne. Nous observons l’évolution du mythe en trois phases : celle de la modernisation, de la consolidation lors des célébrations du 200ième anniversaire de la rébellion de 1809, et, finalement, celle de l’européanisation. Nous démontrerons ainsi que, contrairement à ce que pensaient plusieurs chercheurs sur le sujet, le mythe est encore très présent aujourd’hui. / Since the European refugee and migrant crisis began in January 2015, nationalism has grown in popularity again across Europe. The number of nationalist parties and anti- migrant movements have increased to a point where there is once again a far-right movement, the Alternativ für Deutschland, in Germany; something thought impossible until recently. The EU itself is facing an identity crisis, as identified by Thierry Chopin of the Robert-Schuman Foundation and Gérard Bouchard of the Jacques-Delors Institute. Both scholars have argued that, instead of creating new national myths to bolster its political support, the EU should exploit existing ones, and indicated that they might already be doing so. Still, the extant literature does not explain how this mythological reframing influences local, mediated discourses and policies. Therefore, the Euroregion of Tyrol- South-Tyrol-Trentino’s Andreas Hofer mythology and its impacts are still strong candidates for study. Indeed, Hofer, who was called the “rebel of the Alps” during the Napoleonic wars, has always enjoyed high popularity in both Tyrol and South-Tyrol in Italy, where his name is on street signs, hotels, and the many statues dedicated to him. Since 1984, Hofer mythology shifted in ways that challenged its traditional narratives. This shift was accomplished, in part, by newspaper articles covering the myth and its various manifestations (e.g., museums, cultural events, and other celebrations). Therefore, the current study traces the myth’s evolution back to Austria’s entry into the EU in 1995 to demonstrate that this folk-hero mythology underwent three stages of development: 1) Modernization, where the myth took on new forms to fit its current local contexts; 2) consolidation, where this new Hofer-imagery coalesced during the rebellion’s 200th-year celebrations in 2009, and, finally; 3) Europeanization. We conclude that, in this final stage, contrary to popular scholarly belief, Hofer and his mythology are still very salient topics and political tools in, not only the Euroregion, but now, also across the whole of Europe.

Ukrainian state lacks an effective historical memory policy. For this reason, the Ukrainian nation- building project lacks ideological capabilities to consolidate Ukrainian society. The dilemma regarding the national myths is the main challenge of the Ukrainian nation-building project. The dilemma emerged in choosing between the myth of the national liberation struggle of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) and the myth of the Great Patriotic War. Both myths are struggling for an important place in the pantheon of Ukrainian history, but fisrt of all for a recognition of Ukrainian society. This resulted in the creation of conflicting historical identities. Ukrainian elite have long time speculated on the differences in the historical identity, which largely contributed to social fragmentation. This thesis describes how national myths interact with nation-building project and also analyzes the content of the most crucial interpretations of the historical myths.

The introduction of this diploma thesis summarizes the production of , and it identifies the two following layers of authorship. The first layer is the fictional authorship of Jara Cimrman; the second layer is the authorship of the Cimrmanologists and their so-called (or fictional) reconstructions of Cimrman's work. The introduction further discusses the importance of the radio show , which gave birth to the character of Jara Cimrman. Finally, the introduction analyses various aspects of Cimrman and his mystifying character. The core of this thesis consists of an analysis of Cimrman and his relation to Czech Dream. It also studies the Czech dream and its development. The second chapter provides a study based on the play , which is looking at the relation between Cimrman and Czech history and the national myth. The beginning of this chapter offers an overview of the history of the . The chapter then continues with an analysis of Cimrman's play with a special attention to its unusual political dimension. The third chapter studies the connections between Cimrman, or his creators, and Czech national consciousness and Czech culture as they are reflected in Cimrman's play . The play is set in the context of Kainar's poem , Klusak and Remunda's film , Macura's essay , and Kaspar's book .

The purpose of this doctorate thesis is to investigate the historical discursive construction of swedishness and foreignness in the Swedish culinary field, primarily during the period of 1900-1970, and to relate the changes in the articulation of these concepts to the overarching ideological shifts during this time-period. To achieve this objective a conceptual apparatus inspired by cultural studies, discourse analysis and rhetorical analysis is employed upon the primary material, which consists of Swedish- and foreign-signified cookbooks published in Sweden during the period of 1600-1970. It is further argued that communities of consumption, such as nationalized culinary cultures, are discursive constructions and that actors attempt to write individuals into these communities through the articulation of nationalized subject positions. In the thesis it is thus investigated how, when and perhaps why certain actors on a field attempt to discursively construct such communities of consumption during a certain era. The chapters 2-5 of the thesis contain analyses of the historical construction of foreignness on the Swedish cultural field. Here various trends are traced in the construction of individual foreign cuisines, both in relation to each other and to the concept of culinary swedishness. An analysis is also made of the varied rhetoric that is used to promote foreign-signified cooking to the Swedish public during the examined time-period. It is concluded that the variations in rhetoric seem to covariate with larger ideological shifts in Swedish society. Chapters 6 and 7 specifically examine the construction of swedishness in the culinary field by focusing on the construction of national culinary icons such as the Smörgåsbord and Husmanskost and also on the evolution of the ideas of a distinct Swedish palate and a Swedish national cuisine. As a result of this investigation the perhaps surprisingly late codification of a Swedish national cuisine during the 1960’s is noted. It is further argued that this development coincides with a shift in the popular mood, where “the Swedish way of life” increasingly comes to be seen as threatened by external forces such as foreign influences and modernity, why certain actors on the culinary field express a necessity for the codification of what is perceived of as the “true Swedish cuisine”. A paradoxical result of this urge for preservation is the construction of new cultural phenomena dressed in a traditionalist and nationalist rhetoric that anchors them in a distant past.

Violence against Indigenous women and girls is an unacceptable tragedy in Canada. The 2019 Final Report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls concluded Canada is guilty of "a race-based genocide of Indigenous Peoples ... which especially targets women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA people." Using an intersectional feminist research ethic, I undertake a critical discourse analysis to determine in what ways key concepts such as national myth, dismissals of harm against Indigenous peoples, and conceptualizations of genocide influenced the reactions of the five major federal political parties to the Final Report. I review the parties' respective commitments to action by analyzing their 2021 electoral platforms and compare their discourse in the wake of the release of the Final Report with their official platform commitments. In essence, the research's empirical contribution shows an enabling self-confirming relationship between the key concepts present in political discourse in response to the Final Report and a political party's path forward when it comes to addressing violence against Indigenous women and girls.