abstract: Academic deviance is a potentially detrimental behavior for students and universities alike in that it causes credit to be given to individuals where it is not due. Furthermore, it is a common occurrence, with around half of college students admitting to engaging in this behavior at least once. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between perfectionism, strain, and academic deviance. In doing this, this study uses data from a primary data collection effort in Arizona State University, with a final sample of 696 students, to answer three research questions: Are there differences in the likelihood of engaging in academic deviance by maladaptive perfectionists, adaptive perfectionists, and non-perfectionists? Are there differences in the perceptions of the wrongness of academic deviance between maladaptive perfectionists, adaptive perfectionists, and non-perfectionists? Are there differences in how context dependent maladaptive perfectionists, adaptive perfectionists, and non-perfectionists view academic deviance the wrongness of academic deviance? Ordered logistic regression are used to access these research questions. Results suggest that neither perfectionism nor strain were a significant factor in determining the likelihood that a participant would engage in an academically deviant behavior, or how wrong they believed that behavior to be. However, perfectionism did seem to have a mild impact on how context dependent individuals felt the wrongness of their behaviors, meaning that if the cause of the strain was due to the professor’s actions, students viewed academic deviance as less wrong, and self-control explained at least part of this effect. Strain, on the other hand, did not have a significant effect. Overall, the results suggest some legitimacy to the use of general strain theory to explain the potential relationships, given the relationship between perfectionism and context dependency. Additionally, the results support policy implications designed to reduce maladaptive thoughts and subsequently academic deviance, such as cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT). Future research should examine the link between perfectionism and other types of academic strain. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Criminology and Criminal Justice 2020

Academic dishonesty and cheating abound in universities across the globe, with increased instances of academic dishonesty in many disciplines including medical professional education programs that have high expectations for integrity and ethical conduct. The purpose of this study was to determine how faculty in physician assistant (PA) programs described their experiences, specifically their roles and responsibilities, in addressing incidents of academic dishonesty. The conceptual framework by Nitsch and colleagues, which focused on faculty failure to report conduct violations in dishonesty cases, informed interviews with 10 PA faculty members concerning the role of faculty members in academic dishonesty violations. Interview transcripts were analyzed to identify common themes through a manual coding process. Interviews were followed by a modified Delphi process with 5 of the participants to confirm consensus of the responses obtained in the interviews. Themes from the findings focused on faculty members' high expectations of academic honesty from students in PA programs, the role of university involvement in reporting and managing cases of academic dishonesty, including deterrents to faculty reporting, and program strategies to deter academic dishonesty. Based on findings, a PA faculty development workshop was developed for creating cultures of academic integrity in PA programs and program campuses. Positive social change may result through better management of cases of academic dishonesty in PA programs and on campus, as well as the use of faculty as change agents in promoting a culture of campus integrity.

Yes / One of the main challenges developing nations face is curbing bribery. While there are many efforts to curb bribery, most focused at macro level, such as law, while little has been examined at the micro level, e.g., individual behavior and intention. Those who did investigate at the micro level tend to focus on the recipients rather than the ones giving the bribe. We explored eight factors that influence Malaysian young adults’ bribe giving intention based on the Reasoned Action Approach (RAA). A total of 345 respondents (M age = 20.68, SD = 2.01, 189 are females) completed questionnaires about all RAA variables. Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modelling (PLS-SEM) was carried out using smartPLS3.0 to analyze the result. The result revealed that out of the eight variables, four variables—Instrumental attitudes, Experiential Attitudes, Parents’ descriptive norms and Capacity—explain 74% of the variance in bribe giving intention. An important take-away is that young adult’s perception of whether their parents gave or did not give bribes in a given situation is important in influencing their bribe giving intention. Bribe giving prevention messages must be targeted explicitly toward parents, where they play a crucial role in curbing this dishonesty.

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This study was designed to examine: (1) the extent to which cheating occurs in fundamentalist Christian colleges; (2) the attitudes of fundamentalist Christian college students toward cheating; (3) attitudes of fundamentalist Christian college students toward cheating among their peers; (4) the kinds of cheating practices of fundamentalist Christian college students; (5) the degree to which students engage in neutralizing behavior to justify cheating; (6) differences in cheating behaviors according to gender; (7) differences in cheating behaviors according to ethnicity; and (8) differences in cheating behaviors according to the length of duration of Christian commitment. Based upon the responses of 337 students attending 3 different Christian colleges, it was concluded that: (1) most Christian fundamentalist students do not engage in cheating; (2) respondents believe that each of 17 self-reported cheating behaviors are serious forms of cheating; (3) respondents are unlikely to report cheating among peers; (4) plagiarism is the most common cheating behavior; (5) most respondents justify cheating on the basis of the workload at school and the pressure to obtain good grades; (6) there are no differences in cheating behavior according to gender; (7) there are differences in cheating behavior according to groups; and (8) most respondents do not cheat regardless of the self-reported duration of Christian commitment.

No estudo da desonestidade no comportamento econômico são poucas as pesquisas que avaliaram um fator essencial para qualquer tomada de decisão: o tempo. Não há na literatura trabalhos que estudem o comportamento desonesto em uma extensão de pressão temporal maior do que a dos segundos. Assim, se faz necessário avaliar a influência do tempo sobre o comportamento desonesto nos diferentes níveis em que ele se apresenta. O objetivo do trabalho foi verificar se grupos trapaça, sob diferentes pressões temporais, relatam ter completado um número maior de matrizes do que grupos sem-trapaça sob as mesmas condições temporais, porém sem a possibilidade de trapacear na tarefa. Noventa e dois participantes universitários foram separados em grupos sem-trapaça e trapaça. Na Tarefa das Matrizes, os participantes dos grupos sem-trapaça, que não poderiam agir de forma desonesta, receberam uma folha de testes e uma folha de resposta. A folha de testes continha 20 matrizes, cada uma com 12 números decimais. Os participantes tiveram 2,5; 5; ou 10 minutos, dependendo do grupo alocado, para encontrar dois números, por matriz, que adicionados, resultavam em dez. Neste experimento, pagou-se um real para cada matriz que o participante afirmava ter resolvido. Ao fim do tempo, os participantes contaram o número de matrizes que resolveram, o escreveram na folha de resposta, e levaram as folhas ao experimentador, que verificou os números e os pagou. Os participantes do grupo trapaça, que poderiam agir de forma desonesta, realizaram a mesma tarefa. Porém, ao fim do tempo, eles contaram o número de matrizes que resolveram, rasgaram a folha de testes e a descartaram. Depois disso, retornaram às suas cadeiras e escreveram o número de matrizes resolvidas na folha de resposta. Eles então deram a folha de respostas ao experimentador, que os pagou sem verificação. O número de matrizes relatadas como resolvidas foi apresentado pelas médias por minuto sobre o total da duração da tarefa para cada grupo. Os participantes dos grupos trapaça, considerando todas as pressões temporais, relataram ter resolvido mais matrizes do que os participantes dos grupos sem-trapaça (M =1.45, DP = 0.82 vs. M = 1.13, DP = 0.66, F(1;86) = 5.20, p = 0.03). Os participantes do grupo-trapaça, afirmaram ter resolvido mais matrizes, considerando as médias por minuto, que os participantes do grupo-sem-trapaça, ambos sob a pressão temporal de 5 minutos (M = 1.43, DP = 0.78 vs. M = 0.80, DP = 0.43, F(1;28) = 7.42, p = 0.01). Os resultados encontrados corroboram com a literatura que avaliou a trapaça, utilizando a Tarefa das Matrizes sob a pressão temporal de 5 minutos, demonstrando que os participantes agem de forma desonesta quando têm a oportunidade de fazê-lo. No entanto, verificou-se que o mesmo não acontece sob as pressões temporais de 2,5 e 10 minutos, indicando que a pressão temporal modula o comportamento desonesto dos indivíduos de formas diferentes, dependendo a extensão da pressão temporal avaliada / In the study of dishonesty in behavioral economics few studies have evaluated an essential factor for any decision making: time. There are no papers in the literature that study dishonest behavior on a temporal pressure extension greater than that of seconds. Thus, it is necessary to evaluate the influence of time on dishonest behavior in the different levels in which it presents itself. The objective of the study was to verify if \"cheating groups\", under different temporal pressures, report having completed a larger number of matrices than \"non-cheating groups\" under the same temporal conditions, but without the possibility of cheating in the task. Ninety-two university participants were separated into groups without cheating and cheating groups. In the Matrix Task, participants in the no-cheating groups, who could not act dishonestly, received a test sheet and an answer sheet. The test sheet contained 20 matrices, each with 12 decimal numbers. The participants had 2.5; 5; or 10 minutes, depending on the group allocated, to find two numbers, per array, which added up resulted in ten. In this experiment, one real was paid for each matrix that the participant claimed to have solved. At the end of the time, the participants counted the number of matrices that they solved, wrote it on the answer sheet and took the sheets to the experimenter, who checked the numbers and paid them. The participants in the cheating group, who could act dishonestly, performed the same task. However, at the end of time, they counted the number of matrices they solved, ripped the test sheet and discarded it. After that, they returned to their seats and wrote down the number of matrices resolved on the answer sheet. They then gave the answer sheet to the experimenter, who paid them without verification. The number of matrices reported as resolved was presented by means per minute over the total duration of the task for each group. The participants of the cheating groups, considering all the temporal pressures, reported to have solved more matrices than the participants of the non-cheating groups (M = 1.45, SD = 0.82 vs. M = 1.13, SD = 0.66, F (1.86) = 5.20, p = 0.03). The participants in the cheating group stated that they had solved more matrices, considering the means per minute, than the participants in the no-cheating group, both under the 5-minute pressure (M = 1.43, SD = 0.78 vs. M = 0.80 , SD = 0.43, F (1.28) = 7.42, p = 0.01). The results corroborate the literature that evaluated cheating using the Matrix Task under the 5-minute time pressure, demonstrating that participants act dishonestly when they have the opportunity to do so. However, it was found that it does not happen under the time pressures of 2.5 and 10 minutes, indicating that the temporal pressure modulates the dishonest behavior of the individuals in different ways, depending on the extent of the time pressure evaluated

Academic dishonesty has been widely reported to be a prevalent occurrence among university students and yet little research has been done to explore, in depth, the meanings the phenomenon holds for students. In response to this gap in research, the purpose of this study was to discover senior Education students understandings of academic honesty and dishonesty. A naturalistic research design was employed and the data were the verbatim discussions of five groups of senior Education degree program students from two western Canadian universities.<p> Findings were focused on the substantive, structural, and future applicability in students understandings. Essential elements of academic dishonesty appearing in students understandings were existence of rules, intent to break those rules, and resulting unearned grade advantages. These elements were extrapolated to serve as a baseline definition of academic dishonesty and as principles of culpability. Numerous situational considerations were volunteered by students that described enticements, deterrents, and beliefs about likelihoods associated with academic honesty and dishonesty. These considerations served as structures for the contemplation of risk that appeared prevalent in students understandings. Future applicability in students understandings was centred on expectations for teaching and professionalism. As teachers, students expected to need to respond to and prevent academic dishonesty. When working in a professional environment, they expected little need to acknowledge sources and a more collaborative climate overall that, for them, meant concerns for academic dishonesty had less relevance. Students expectations suggested rules for teaching and they contrasted the environments experienced as students with those anticipated as teachers.<p> The findings of this study were integrated to suggest students vision of a system for academic honesty that bears some similarity to a moral system. Also extrapolated were four metaphors for the roles of students in the university related to concerns for academic dishonesty: student as subject, student as moral agent, student as trainee, and student as competitor. Implications for higher education policy development and communication were based on students focus on grades and students sense of subculture for academic honesty and dishonesty. Students deference to the authority of the professor suggested implications for instructional practice. A lack of monitoring of students and professors behaviours related to academic honesty and dishonesty had implications for administrative practice in terms of fostering norms for academic integrity. A model for discernment of the student voice is proposed for student concerns appearing to be most freely and richly explored in a discussion among students. Recommendations for approaches to future research of this nature and for research questions and student populations bring the dissertation to a close.

Academic dishonesty has been widely reported to be a prevalent occurrence among university students and yet little research has been done to explore, in depth, the meanings the phenomenon holds for students. In response to this gap in research, the purpose of this study was to discover senior Education students understandings of academic honesty and dishonesty. A naturalistic research design was employed and the data were the verbatim discussions of five groups of senior Education degree program students from two western Canadian universities.<p> Findings were focused on the substantive, structural, and future applicability in students understandings. Essential elements of academic dishonesty appearing in students understandings were existence of rules, intent to break those rules, and resulting unearned grade advantages. These elements were extrapolated to serve as a baseline definition of academic dishonesty and as principles of culpability. Numerous situational considerations were volunteered by students that described enticements, deterrents, and beliefs about likelihoods associated with academic honesty and dishonesty. These considerations served as structures for the contemplation of risk that appeared prevalent in students understandings. Future applicability in students understandings was centred on expectations for teaching and professionalism. As teachers, students expected to need to respond to and prevent academic dishonesty. When working in a professional environment, they expected little need to acknowledge sources and a more collaborative climate overall that, for them, meant concerns for academic dishonesty had less relevance. Students expectations suggested rules for teaching and they contrasted the environments experienced as students with those anticipated as teachers.<p> The findings of this study were integrated to suggest students vision of a system for academic honesty that bears some similarity to a moral system. Also extrapolated were four metaphors for the roles of students in the university related to concerns for academic dishonesty: student as subject, student as moral agent, student as trainee, and student as competitor. Implications for higher education policy development and communication were based on students focus on grades and students sense of subculture for academic honesty and dishonesty. Students deference to the authority of the professor suggested implications for instructional practice. A lack of monitoring of students and professors behaviours related to academic honesty and dishonesty had implications for administrative practice in terms of fostering norms for academic integrity. A model for discernment of the student voice is proposed for student concerns appearing to be most freely and richly explored in a discussion among students. Recommendations for approaches to future research of this nature and for research questions and student populations bring the dissertation to a close.

The present study aimed to integrate situational and dispositional perspectives on the investigation of unethical and dishonest behavior through an experimental and a correlational study. More explicitly, the current study explored the effects of state self-control and social influence on cheating, and investigated the trait self control and conformity as predictors of academic dishonesty. Two preliminary studies were conducted. First, a pilot study with 230 undergraduate students was conducted to assess the reliability of the Turkish versions of the four scales intended to measure the constructs of interest. All four scales were found to have sufficient reliabilities. A second preliminary study was conducted to observe and to ameliorate the effects of two manipulations constructed for the main study, namely the rewriting task (depletory versus neutral) and the norm induction (deciding to cheat, not to cheat or to meet with a friend after the study). The main study was conducted with 87 undergraduate students. Correlational results underlined the importance of low self-control and high susceptibility to social influence as predictors of past behavior of academic dishonesty. Experimental results revealed that first, groups

The independent style of scanning and payment at self-service checkouts (SCOs) has resulted in areas for concern. The reduction of employee involvement may reduce the social presence perceived at a SCO. Social presence is when a user experiences the perception that there is another intelligence or entity within their environment (Short, William & Christie, 1976). If customers are not influenced by the social presence of the employees at a SCO then it may affect their behaviour. Using a mixed methods approach, with a combination of qualitative and quantitative data gathering, this thesis investigated dishonest behaviours at self-service checkouts and the effects of a social presence on consumer behaviour. The overreaching research question then guiding this dissertation is: What effect does a social presence have on thefts at self-service checkouts and can social presence be effectively implemented via technology? Three exploratory qualitative (Studies 1-3) and two empirical studies (Studies 4-5) were conducted to investigate issues surrounding thefts at SCO with reference to social presence. Study 1 consisted of in-depth observations of customers within supermarkets to gain an understanding of everyday behaviours associated with self-service checkouts. Both customers and staff seemed to be frustrated at the amount of times the technology did not work properly and the customer would appear disadvantaged when they required assistance. With an understanding of the salient factors and behaviours associated with self-service checkouts, Study 2 then explored SCO staff perceptions of thefts at self-service checkouts (Creighton et al., 2015). Qualitative semi-structured interviews were used to investigate the perceived influence of social presence at self-service checkouts by staff and its perceived effect on dishonest customer behaviour. Twenty-six self-service checkout staff took part in a series of semi-structured interviews to describe customer behaviours with self-service. With respect to actual physical social presence, such as the recognised presence of an employee, staff reported that more customer thefts occurred when the self-service checkouts were busy and their social presence was reduced. To further explore social presence within a retail environment and validate the perceptions from SCO Staff, Study 3 investigated the role of the security guard in terms of their social presence and explored their perceptions of thefts at self-service checkouts. Interviews with 6 security guards were conducted to determine factors surrounding theft as their role is to monitor this type of dishonest behavior. There was an overall agreement from security guards that there were more thefts at self-service checkouts when the store was busy and that there were more thefts at self-service checkouts overall, compared to traditional manned checkouts. The first empirical study (Study 4), consisting of 2 Experiments, considered the effects of a social presence within a self-service checkout interface on user behaviour. This study examined whether a social presence in the form of a computer designed onscreen agent at a simulated SCO, with design features varying in ‘humanness’, i.e. agents that displayed more or less-human-like features (eyes in Experiment 1, and human shapes in Experiment 2), would have an effect on opportunistic behaviour (cheating) in a simulated checkout scenario. Ninety-one participants interacted with a simulated SCO while their eye movements were tracked via a Tobii TX300 eye-tracker. Hypotheses that predicted a social presence would receive attention and result in fewer instances of theft when integrated within an interface were supported, suggesting that implementing an agent designed to suggest some level of humanness e.g. with eyes, within a SCO interface may reduce levels of theft as customers are likely to notice it. However, Study 4 showed mixed results for the effects of varying agent appearance alone. Research has shown that social presence can also be induced by varying agent behaviour (Burgoon et al., 2000). Study 5 thus varied interactivity (i.e. personal vs impersonal nature) of the agent via voice implementation on the SCO, using the same agent as in Study 4 (Experiment 2). The research highlights the need for the current designs of SCO to be updated to reduce operational issues which could be contributing to thefts occurring at SCOs. It is also concluded that further research is needed on the effects of interactivity and agent presence during a SCO interaction to explore dimensions of social presence and how they are being experienced by the user, which may ultimately lead to a reduction in thefts at SCOs.