Magister Legum - LLM / The plight of internally displaced persons (IDPs)in Sudan and Somalia constitutes one of the greatest human tragedy of our time since the end of the Cold War. The concept of IDPs is immense and growing. This research paper addressed the plight of IDPs during armed conflict in Sudan and Somalia. This paper also investigated into the existing institutional and legal frameworks for the protection of IDPs during armed conflict and critically highlight some of the weaknesses of these institutions and legal instruments that protect IDPs during armed conflict. / South Africa

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Submitted by André Zuzarte (zuzartehist@gmail.com) on 2014-10-27T21:20:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação André Zuzarte - Versão Depósito.pdf: 993543 bytes, checksum: a23900ef5b6e9dc9d885d08eff24f546 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rafael Aguiar (rafael.aguiar@fgv.br) on 2014-11-18T17:05:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação André Zuzarte - Versão Depósito.pdf: 993543 bytes, checksum: a23900ef5b6e9dc9d885d08eff24f546 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2014-11-19T18:21:48Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação André Zuzarte - Versão Depósito.pdf: 993543 bytes, checksum: a23900ef5b6e9dc9d885d08eff24f546 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-11-19T18:22:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação André Zuzarte - Versão Depósito.pdf: 993543 bytes, checksum: a23900ef5b6e9dc9d885d08eff24f546 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-11 / When World War II ended, it is calculated that there were more than 40 million European displaced from their place of origin. Initially, the United Nations Agency for Relief and Rehabilitation (UNRRA) had the task of repatriating these people. However, due to the growing resistance to return home, the UN created the International Refugee Organization (IRO). From 1947 to 1951, when it was replaced by the UNHCR, the organization was responsible for resettling more than 1 million people in different countries. Brazil was one of those countries. Given this context, this research seeks to understand, in first place, the process of construction of this international machinery for the protection of refugees that emerged in post-war within UN, and in second place, analyze the role of Brazil in this context. What was its role in the creation of this regime? What were its main interests that guided the reception of refugees? These are some of the questions that this research sought to clarify. / Quando a II Guerra Mundial chegou ao fim, calcula-se que havia até 40 milhões de europeus deslocados de seu local de origem. Inicialmente, coube à Agência das Nações Unidas para Auxílio e Restabelecimento (ANUAR) repatriar essas pessoas. Diante da crescente resistência de muitas em retornar para casa, foi criada pela ONU a Organização Internacional de Refugiados (OIR). De 1947 a 1951, quando foi substituída pelo ACNUR, foi responsável por reassentar mais de 1 milhão de pessoas em diferentes países. O Brasil foi um deles. Diante deste quadro, a presente dissertação busca compreender, em primeiro lugar, a construção do maquinário internacional de proteção de refugiados surgido no pós-guerra no âmbito da ONU. Em seguida, analisar de que maneira o Brasil se inseriu nele. Qual o papel que teve na criação do regime? Quais interesses tinha em vista ao receber os refugiados? São algumas das perguntas para as quais o presente estudo procurou encontrar respostas.

This study is among the first studies that evaluate the social impacts of terrorism in a specific country for a 10 year period. It tests the effects of terrorism on domestic net-migration in Turkey, especially in the terror infected provinces of the Eastern and South Eastern regions of the country between the years 1992 and 2001. Terrorism has impacted people not only physically, but also psychologically. When faced with "future uncertainty" or the "fear of terrorism," it is natural for people to leave their home towns, and to migrate to somewhere else where they feel safe. In order to explore the real impact of terrorism on immigration, this study used "terrorism incident rate" per 10,000 people and the "rate of people and security forces killed" per 10,000 people as independent variables. It also examined the major economic effects of migration; unemployment rate and the GDP were used as control variables. In addition, the rate of killed terrorists, population density, and the distance to Istanbul and to Mersin were also added to the models. A control-series regression analysis was performed to relate the terrorist incidents' impact on the citizens' inclinations to leave their home towns in all provinces and in high terrorism incident provinces of East and Southeast regions of Turkey. Results show that the net-migration in high terrorism incident provinces is higher than the net-migration in other provinces. Findings also confirm that there was a positive relationship between net-migration and terrorist incidents and that relationship was higher during 1992-1995, when the number of terrorist incidents hit its all time highest level. Other than terrorist incidents, results moreover confirm that net-migration is positively related to the number of "people and security forces killed".In addition, results also confirm that population density and distance were related to net-migration. Economic variables, such as GDP and unemployment also related to net migration. However, their impacts varied from model to model. While the GDP was negatively related to net-migration in the models with all the provinces; unemployment was positively related to net-migration in the models with only high terrorism incident provinces.

The collapse of Nazi Germany was accompanied by a humanitarian disaster of staggering proportions. The newly-founded United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) and its successor the International Refugee Organization (IRO) identified repairing the damage that the war had inflicted on Allied displaced populations as one of its foremost humanitarian obligations. These UN agencies cast themselves as pre-eminent agents of ‘rehabilitation’, facilitating a fast transition from war to peace through scientific methods of refugee management conducted along Rooseveltian lines. Departing from earlier relief efforts, their ambition was to provide more than a mere ‘soup kitchen’ charity, their aim being to ‘rehabilitate’ Displaced Persons (DPs). Their methods were, however, vigorously contested in the field by military and occupation authorities, by members of established voluntary societies, and by UNRRA/IRO’s own continental recruits. This thesis explores these confrontations through the lens of French DP administration. Although these UN agencies proclaimed a new era of internationalism, solutions to DP problems were often defined in nationalist terms. DPs were organised by ethnicity and strong ties attached relief workers to their own national groups. For French planners and humanitarian workers, the DP question was much more than a humanitarian problem, and was bound up with issues of domestic reconstruction, culture and identity as much as the provision of medical aid and relief. This thesis demonstrates that distinctive diplomatic constraints, economic requirements and cultural differences influenced the thought and practices of refugee humanitarianism, shaping alternate ways of arranging interim provision and ‘rehabilitating’ DPs in the French zone of occupation. Despite the fact that Allied responses to the DP problem mirrored divergent wartime experiences and differing national visions for the post-war future, this thesis argues that the history of UNRRA and the IRO in the French zone cannot be solely understood as a story of inter-Allied confrontation and clashes of political culture. Numerous transfers of expertise and the circulation of ideas and people between the zones belie such a view. New-Deal influenced methods penetrated the French zone and local UNRRA/IRO staff progressively embraced the organizations’ declared mission of ‘self-help’, albeit on terms that reflected their particular interpretation of DPs’ best interests. The real impact of UNRRA and the IRO lies in this grey area of subtle processes of imitation and re-interpretation.

City governments across the United States are struggling to keep housing and services affordable for lower-income households as neighborhood conditions improve in previously disinvested areas. Despite considerable fiscal and political constraints, numerous cities are tackling this challenge through policy tools that protect the stock of low-cost housing and support lower-income residents’ ability to remain in place when reinvestment raises the threat of displacement. Drawing on a framework informed by theories of equity planning, the Just City, and redistributive policy action, this study examines how cities are mitigating displacement in neighborhoods at risk of gentrification and analyzes the conditions that motivate, facilitate, and shape their policy responses. Data were collected through an original survey of housing, planning, and community development officials, a systematic review of policy documents, and semi-structured interviews with city officials and community advocates. Through sequential quantitative and qualitative analyses, I show that although city governments possess and are using diverse tools to create more equitable outcomes in neighborhoods at risk of gentrification, their tendency to delay action until market appreciation is advanced, dependence on market-based tools amid fiscal constraint, and need to balance neighborhood-based and city-wide goals weaken their capacity to tackle displacement. This study concludes that proactive approaches that address reinvestment and long-term affordability concurrently would minimize the tensions associated with the timing, form, and scale of intervention. Cities’ demonstrated responsiveness to community organizing suggests one key channel through which such a policy shift could be activated.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Bonn, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [427]-467) and index.

Background: There are about 23.7 million internally displaced persons worldwide today, still living in the low-income countries. Ethiopia has for the past four decades been ravaged by war and famine. A lengthy civil war resulted in Eritrea, formerly a part of Ethiopia, becoming an independent state in 1991. This war led to displacement of one million people, and currently there are about 55000 internally displaced Ethiopians in Addis Ababa, most of them living in temporary shelters. A minority resettled in a small town Debre Zeit south east of Addis Ababa, dispersed in the community. Objectives: To study the consequences of trauma and extreme stress among these displaced persons. Methods: A random sample of 1200 displaced persons was selected from the Kaliti and Kore shelters of Addis Ababa, aged between 18 and 60 years. They were interviewed by internationally validated instruments which were translated into the Ethiopian official language Amharic. Information thus obtained covered sociodemographics, childhood trauma, traumatic life events, and mental distress as assessed by the SCL-90-R, the four domains of quality of life assessed by WHOQOL-BREF, coping strategies, perceived social support, and basic living conditions. A sample of 120 subjects from the displaced persons living in Debre Zeit was similarly evaluated. A study comparing prevalence rates and risk factors for PTSD in four postconflict, low-income countries (Algeria, Cambodia, Ethiopia, Gaza) was also undertaken. Results: Men, compared to women, reported significantly higher experience of trauma, higher perceived social support, and higher task-oriented coping. Women reported higher emotion-oriented coping. In both genders, emotion-oriented coping was correlated with higher trauma events, and task-oriented coping was correlated with higher perceived social support. Mental distress increased and quality of life decreased with age. Mental distress mediated the effects of most trauma in reducing quality of life, and some trauma reduced quality of life directly. Living conditions were also significantly related to quality of life. Coping strategies and perceived social support influenced mental distress and quality of life directly as well as indirectly by moderation, in part gender specific. Placement in the community setting of Debre Zeit gave a better quality of life compared to placement in the shelters of Addis Ababa. This difference was accounted for by the difference in living conditions, particularly protection from animals (rodents) and insects (mosquitoes), for three domains of quality of life. For domain 3 (social relationships), however, several further factors accounted for the difference, like marital status, ethnic belonging and coping strategy. The comparative study of 4 postconflict countries contributes to the theory that trauma may be the direct cause of the onset of PTSD but that a multiplicity of other adverse events determine the development of this disorder. Conclusions: Using the same assessment methods, a wide range of rates of symptoms of PTSD were found among 4 low-income populations who have experienced war, conflict, or mass violence. In the Ethiopian context we also found gender differences in the trauma background, coping strategies and perceived social support. Mental distress mediated much of the effects of trauma on quality of life. Coping strategies and perceived social support were significant moderators in this process.

The focus of this study is the assumption that the return of refugees is a necessary condition for the establishment of sustainable peace after armed conflict. This assumption is often made in the peacebuilding literature as well as by policy makers, but it has rarely been the object of systematic analysis. The purpose of the study, therefore, is to test this assumption, which I label the “peace-by-repatriation thesis.” I adopt a two-step approach to analyzing the peace-by-repatriation thesis. The first step is to formulate an analytical framework. The second step is to use the framework to test the peace-by-repatriation thesis on a medium number of cases. The formulation of the analytical framework starts with an examination of previous research. I trace the theoretical foundations of the peace-by-repatriation thesis in research on peacebuilding, forced migration, and partition. The analytical framework is further informed by case studies of Bosnia-Herzegovina and Nagorno-Karabakh, two cases that represent opposing perceptions of repatriation as a condition for peace. I adopt a set-theoretic approach to test the peace-by-repatriation thesis. I describe in some detail how the key concepts of the analytical framework are operationalized. I select and code forty-three cases—terminated conflicts that caused large-scale displacement—and use fuzzy-set analysis to test the peace-by-repatriation thesis. The analysis shows that repatriation is not a necessary condition for sustainable peace. Instead, ending displacement—irrespective of how this is done—turns out to be an important condition for peace. This result is consistent across tests of different combinations of cases and tests using alternative operationalizations of key concepts. Taken together, the fuzzy-set analysis and the case studies suggest that the relationship between repatriation and peace will vary from case to case and that pre-war interethnic relations is one of the circumstances that affect that relationship.

After the WWII, there was much concern to protect human rights situation all over the world. During the cold wars, huge displacement took place within different countries due to internal arms/ethnic conflicts. Millions of IDPs, who were uprooted by armed conflict or ethnic strife faced human rights violence. In 2002, there were estimated between 20-25 millions IDPs in the world (Phuong, p.1). Internally displacement is a worldwide problem and millions of the people displaced in Africa and Asia. These all Internal displacements of the people are only the result of the conflicts or the violations of the Human Rights but also sometimes it happened because of the natural disasters. “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights..."(Streich, Article 1) This article works as the foundation of human rights which gives every human being an equal rights and opportunity to maintain his/her dignity. Human Rights issues related to human dignity must be taken very seriously and should not be ignored at any level; Many human rights issues are not always visible, issues such as: privacy, security, equality, protection of social and cultural values etc. In this paper I am going to apply theoretical approach of “all human being are equal in dignity and rights” to defend IDPs rights.