Access to abstract restricted until May 2015. / Access to thesis restricted until May 2015. / Department of Political Science

Thesis (M.A.) - Carleton University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 117-134). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Cornell University, 1999. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 291-332).

Text in Afrikaans / Die Wet op Misbruik van Afhankl ikheidsvormende Stowwe beheer tans die regsposisie betreffende die misbruik van dwelmmiddels. Orie klasse afhankl ikheidsvormende medisyne word geskep waarvan slegs die handeldryf in verbode afhankl ikheidsvormende medisyne bespreek word. Benewens die gewone betekenis van handeldryf, het die Wetgewer 'n uitgebreide betekenis daaraan gegee om begrippe soos "oorlaai", "toediening", "versending" en "voorskryf" in te sluit. Die vermoedens, wat die Wetgewer in die Wet ingebou het om die taak van die vervolging te vergemakl ik, sowel as die voorverelstes vir die inwerkingstel I ing daarvan, word bespreek. Verbode Afhankl ikheidsvormende medisyne word gelys in Deel I in die Bylae tot die Wet en die strekking van die bewyslas op die vervolging word bespreek. Geen statut~re regverdigingsgronde word geskep nie, maar die gemeenregtel ike regverdigingsgronde behoort hier aanwending te vind. Opset blyk die vereiste skuldvorm te wees. Wet 101 van 1965 en Wet 41 van 1971 oorvleuel tot 'n sekere mate en by botsende bepal ings sal die 1971-wet voorkeur geniet. / The law with regard to the dependance-producing drugs is governed by the Act on the Misuse of Dependence-producing drugs. The Act distinguishes between three types of dependence-producing drugs and the work focuses only on prohibited dependence-producing drugs. The lawmaker gave extended interpretation to the term" dealing in" to include aspects Iike the transfer from one vehicle to another, administering, dispatching and prescription. Certain presumptions which Iighten the burden of proof on the prosecution were introduced in the act and the prerequisites for their operation are discussed. No statutory defences are created but it is submitted that common law defences should apply. Intention is set down to constitute the required mens areas. Act 101 of 1965 and Act 41 of 1971 overlap on certain aspects where sections are in conflict with each other, the latter Act should receive preference. / Criminology and Security Science / LL.M.

This thesis explores the politics of drugs and addiction in Iran in light of processes of state formation. The case of Iran provides a paradigm of what has come to be known as the 'War on Drugs' in a political and cultural setting that has been characterised, by most of the area studies literature, by other investigations and scholarly questions. Iran, nevertheless, represents an outstanding case for the study of the War on Drugs; it is at the geopolitical crossroads of international drug routes, it has one of the world highest rates of drug 'addiction' - estimated at between 2-3% and 6-7% of the entire population - and it has progressively seen the rise of synthetic, industrial drugs, such as methamphetamines (shisheh). The thesis situates the phenomenon of drug use in the social and political history of Iran with a particular attention to the transformations taking place after the Islamic Revolution in 1979. It provides a genealogical map of policy experimentations in the field of drugs, while it also casts light on the rationale that governs the formation and transformation of state practices vis à vis drugs, especially during the reformist and post-reformist period (1997-2013). To do so, the research combines extensive archival research using Persian sources (newspapers, reports, films, memoires, etc.) starting from the early 1900s, with ethnographic fieldwork in public clinics, rehab centres, drug using hotspots and, more generally, the street. The outcome is an in-depth engagement with narcotic politics, which unearths unstudied dynamics of Iran's contemporary politics and society. Instead of moralising approaches, what is unveiled is a state that adopts both rhetoric and practice that are secularised and in tune with Western models of policymaking. Eventually, the thesis reveals how the image of the Iranian state has not only been misplaced, but it has also been a myth.

Law enforcement agencies are faced with the problem of how to reduce crime in the most economical method possible without violating the law. Since drug offenders also engage in a disproportionate amount of non-drug crime, then drug enforcement is considered as an acceptable general crime control method. Unfortuantely, this is an expensive option because incarcerating offenders is both costly and ony a short-term solution to the problem. A review of existing research examining the prior criminal histories of drug offenders compared to their previous involvement in violent and property crime is conducted to evaluate this relationship.

The subject of this thesis is dope dealing in marijuana. However, the main interest in this topic is not centered on unique behavior patterns of persons engaged in this illegal activity nor is it much concerned with the activity itself. Rather, this study was designed to investigate empirically claims of labeling theorists and deviance theory. Through focused interviews with dealers of marijuana, an inquiry was made into deviant self-concepts on the part of those persons. More specifically, attention centered around the variables of type of dealer (lid or small quantity pound); length of time in dealing business; and contact with formal sanctioning agencies as possible conditioning or influencing factors in self- concept formation. The research was intended to examine, in a field situation, concepts that have to this point received more theoretical explication and discussion then empirical scrutiny.

Criminal violence is one of the most serious challenges in contemporary Latin America. While the drug economy -- which sparked much of the violence -- developed later in the 20th century, the institutions which shape contemporary vulnerability have deep historic roots. In this dissertation, I study three informal institutions: systematic corruption in the security sector, traditional governance institutions, and patriarchal norms, all of which have consequences for contemporary violence and vulnerability. In combining these essays, I aim to uncover some of the historical and social origins of contemporary variation in criminal violence and vulnerability. The first paper examines systematic corruption in the security sector. I ask: why did Mexico's strong and enduring civilian autocratic regime fail to reform a military riddled with corruption? I argue that the regime's reliance on the military for political control and repression created openings for the military to act corruptly when the center state was faced with political threats. I use an original data-set of military-landlord paramilitaries under the Cárdenas administration to show that where the regime faced greater political threat, military officials abused their power to profit from collusion with landed elites. Tracing these dynamics through to Mexico's dirty war, I find that the presence of these militaries in the 1970s is associated with higher levels of excess repression, suggesting enduring consequences of these collusive agreements for military professionalization. The second paper examines collaborative governance institutions -- created in Mexico's land reform -- as a source of variation in contemporary vulnerability to criminal violence. Each major land reform in Latin America was accompanied by the creation of collective institutions to administer redistributed land and govern beneficiary communities of land reform. However, little is known about the long term consequences of these administrative institutions. I advance a theory which argues that administrative institutions which enable the preservation of indigenous governance traditions can facilitate collective action capacity, which yields security dividends by empowering communities to respond strategically and collectively to criminal threat. I leverage insight from two months of in-depth, interview-based fieldwork in Michoacán, Mexico, combined with a difference-in-difference design to uncover the consequences of institutional variation in Mexico's land reform for vulnerability to criminal violence and criminal presence. In line with theoretical expectations, I find that land reform communities which preserve traditions of indigenous governance generate security in the context of Mexico's drug war. These findings have important implications for a vast literature which studies the relationships between violence and property rights, as well as for studies of rural security. The final paper studies the relationship between social inequality and criminal victimization, focusing on hierarchies created and upheld by patriarchal norms. I advance a theory of intersectional vulnerability to criminal violence, arguing that the same traditional structures which enable high collective action and social control of criminal violence can also lead to the preservation of stronger patriarchal norms. I suggest that these strong patriarchal norms lead to more criminal victimization of women relative to men. In patriarchal contexts, women's relative vulnerability is increased by community failure to apply social control to protect women from criminal violence, and exacerbated by women's lack of recourse due to their political exclusion. I test this theory empirically in the context of the Mexican drug war. I use an original measure of patriarchal norms drawn from household surveys on gender roles to identify empirical associations between traditional social structures and higher levels of patriarchal norms pre-drug war. Exploiting the shock of the onset of the drug war, I find that higher levels of patriarchy pre-drug war lead to substantially greater increases in women's victimization relative to men's following the onset of the war. I find strong evidence that this victimization is non-domestic, reflecting how community control of violence fails to protect women from criminal victimization, and that women are most at risk when they are politically excluded. These findings speak to how social and political inequalities shape vulnerability to criminal violence, particularly in contexts where the state fails to provide security. Together, these papers highlight the complex layering of informal institutions which shape contemporary welfare in the context of widespread criminal violence.

No description available.

How did Philadelphia develop its first drug control strategy between 1960 and 1973? This study argues that Philadelphia's drug control strategy was part of an array of collaborative responses to the composite challenges of urban decay and was influenced by concerns for development, law enforcement, and fiscal survival. In the early 1960s, a focus on development and a combination of overt racism and the more subtle psychological process of racial othering made drug abuse a low-priority, policy issue in Philadelphia. At mid-decade, the growing institutionalization of law enforcement overshadowed additional attention drug abuse might have gained at that point. By 1970, “White involvement,” as Medical Examiner Joseph Spelman termed it, provided the impetus for a more active and institutionalized public response. As the nation progressed from a War on Poverty, to a War on Crime, and then to a War on Drugs, problems of sustainability and fiscal exhaustion became paramount. When Philadelphia’s Coordinating Office for Drug and Alcohol Abuse Programs produced its Comprehensive Plan for Drug and Alcohol Abuse Treatment and Prevention, 1973-1974, it codified a years-long, work-in-progress to address the complex adaptive system that substance abuse represented. Though the strategy did not rectify the larger environmental issues of race, stability, and sustainability with which Philadelphia contended, it did provide a balanced approach and a starting point for future implementation and refinement. / History