Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land has been the revolutionary metaphor for wealth and power in the world and even more so in Africa. Ideally, land reform in Africa should therefore, contribute to social and economic progress and ultimately result in social equity as well as increased agricultural productivity. This study was devoted to the history of colonialism and the meaning and birth of land reform policies after colonialism. Moreover, to familiarise the reader with the various meanings and issues concerning land reform particularly in Kenya and Zimbabwe. The outcome of the study was to provoke further discussion on the need for land reform in other developing countries, especially South Africa, as well as to investigate whether colonialism created certain land ownership patterns that had harmful effects on the political and economic climate after independence in Kenya and Zimbabwe. Kenya has been unable to establish a sustainable land reform programme since independence. Ethnic clashes in the early 1990's were seen as a continuation of a battle to recognise the existence of property rights. The contributing factor to the conflict was the fact that the political leadership in Kenya was the direct beneficiary of land reform policies. Furthermore, the uncontrolled privatisation of public land only resulted in economic and agricultural decay. The Kenyan experience provides no evidence of increase in agricultural production, but inevitably resulted in social and economic inequalities and the emergence of significant landlessness, which was a result of the inadequacy of government, to provide credit as was initially proposed. Zimbabwe faces the painful reality that its political revolutions have only brought them halfway to true independence. The objective for Zimbabwe was to establish a functional socialist economy where decision making would be under political control in order to bring about the drastic redistribution of wealth from whites to blacks and to become independent form capitalists. The importance of land in Zimbabwe did not so much lie in the social and economic inequalities, but rather the inability to access land, accompanied by a growing overpopulation, landlessness, land deterioration and escalating poverty in the black areas parallel with severe under-utilisation of land in the white farming areas. This study concludes that African governmental land reform programmes have had mixed success. The complex nature of the liberation struggles in Africa, created diverse post-independence governmental systems. However, some former colonies illustrate certain common underlying issues such as the fact that years after independence, land remains one of the key unresolved issues in both Kenya and Zimbabwe, as well as in South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gesien in die lig dat grond die revolusionêre metafoor van rykdom en mag in die wêreld, nog te meer in Afrika is, sal dit ideaal wees indien grondhervorming in Afrika kan bydra tot sosiale en ekonomiese bevordering en uiteindelik kan uitloop in sosiale gelykheid asook toename in landbou produktiwiteit. Hierdie studie was toegewy aan die geskiedenis van kolonialisme en die betekenis en oorsprong van grondhervormingsbeleide na kolonialisme, asook om die leser in te lig oor menings en uitgangspunte rakende grondhervorming, spesifiek in Kenya en Zimbabwe. Die doel van die studie was om verdere besprekings oor die behoefte vir grondhervorming in ander ontwikkelende lande, veral Suid-Afrika, uit te lok. Verder om te ondersoek of kolonialisme sekere grondeienaarskappatrone veroorsaak het wat negatiewe effekte op die politieke en ekonomiese klimaat in Kenya en Zimbabwe, na onafhanklikheidswording, veroorsaak het. Kenya is, sedert onafhanklikheidswording, nog nie in staat om 'n volhoudbare grondhervormingsprogram daar te stel nie. Etniese botsings in die vroeë 1990's was gesien as 'n voortsetting van 'n geveg om die bestaan van eiendomsregte te erken. Die bydraende faktor tot die konflik was die feit dat die politieke leierskap in Kenya direkte begunstigdes van die grondhervormingsbeleide was. Verder het onbeheerde privatisering van openbare grond ekonomiese en landbou verval tot gevolg gehad. Die Kenya ondervinding voorsien geen bewyse van toename in landbou produktiwiteit nie, maar het onvermydelik sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede en die ontstaan van merkwaardige grondloosheid tot gevolg gehad as gevolg van die onvermoeë van die regering om krediet te voorsien soos aanvanklik voorgestel was. Zimbabwe staar die pynlike realiteit in die oë dat hul politieke revolusies hulle slegs halfpad tot ware onafhanklikheid gebring het. Die doel vir Zimbabwe was om 'n funksionele sosialistiese ekonomie daar te stel waar besluitneming onder politieke beheer sou wees om sodanig drastiese herverdeling van rykdom vanaf blankes na swartes, asook onafhanklikheid van kapitaliste, te bewerkstellig. Die belangrikheid van grond het nie soveel in die sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede gelê nie, maar liewer in die onvermoë om grond te bekom tesame met 'n toenemende oorbevolking, grondloosheid, grondverarming en toenemende armoede in swart gebiede. 'n Bydraende faktor was die uiterse onderbenutting van grond in blanke boerdery gebiede. In samevatting wys hierdie studie dat grondhervormingsprogramme van regerings in Afrika gemengde sukses behaal het. Die kompleksiteit van die bevrydingstryde in Afrika het uiteenlopende post-onafhanklike regeringstelsels tot stand gebring. Nietemin, illustreer somige voormalige kolonies sekere algemene onderliggende uitgangspunte, onder andere die feit dat grond, jare na onafhanklikheid, steeds een van die belangrikste onopgeloste vraagstukke in beide Kenya en Zimbabwe, sowel as Suid-Afrika is.

<p>Land ownership, control and reform have been some of the most contentious issues in contemporary Zimbabwe. The land question has generated a lot of emotional debate and there is a general consensus that it represents a critical dimension to the crisis the country is going through. This thesis intended to offer some insights into the modus operandi and outcomes of land reform in the country.</p>

<p>Land ownership, control and reform have been some of the most contentious issues in contemporary Zimbabwe. The land question has generated a lot of emotional debate and there is a general consensus that it represents a critical dimension to the crisis the country is going through. This thesis intended to offer some insights into the modus operandi and outcomes of land reform in the country.</p>

Criminal violence is one of the most serious challenges in contemporary Latin America. While the drug economy -- which sparked much of the violence -- developed later in the 20th century, the institutions which shape contemporary vulnerability have deep historic roots. In this dissertation, I study three informal institutions: systematic corruption in the security sector, traditional governance institutions, and patriarchal norms, all of which have consequences for contemporary violence and vulnerability. In combining these essays, I aim to uncover some of the historical and social origins of contemporary variation in criminal violence and vulnerability. The first paper examines systematic corruption in the security sector. I ask: why did Mexico's strong and enduring civilian autocratic regime fail to reform a military riddled with corruption? I argue that the regime's reliance on the military for political control and repression created openings for the military to act corruptly when the center state was faced with political threats. I use an original data-set of military-landlord paramilitaries under the Cárdenas administration to show that where the regime faced greater political threat, military officials abused their power to profit from collusion with landed elites. Tracing these dynamics through to Mexico's dirty war, I find that the presence of these militaries in the 1970s is associated with higher levels of excess repression, suggesting enduring consequences of these collusive agreements for military professionalization. The second paper examines collaborative governance institutions -- created in Mexico's land reform -- as a source of variation in contemporary vulnerability to criminal violence. Each major land reform in Latin America was accompanied by the creation of collective institutions to administer redistributed land and govern beneficiary communities of land reform. However, little is known about the long term consequences of these administrative institutions. I advance a theory which argues that administrative institutions which enable the preservation of indigenous governance traditions can facilitate collective action capacity, which yields security dividends by empowering communities to respond strategically and collectively to criminal threat. I leverage insight from two months of in-depth, interview-based fieldwork in Michoacán, Mexico, combined with a difference-in-difference design to uncover the consequences of institutional variation in Mexico's land reform for vulnerability to criminal violence and criminal presence. In line with theoretical expectations, I find that land reform communities which preserve traditions of indigenous governance generate security in the context of Mexico's drug war. These findings have important implications for a vast literature which studies the relationships between violence and property rights, as well as for studies of rural security. The final paper studies the relationship between social inequality and criminal victimization, focusing on hierarchies created and upheld by patriarchal norms. I advance a theory of intersectional vulnerability to criminal violence, arguing that the same traditional structures which enable high collective action and social control of criminal violence can also lead to the preservation of stronger patriarchal norms. I suggest that these strong patriarchal norms lead to more criminal victimization of women relative to men. In patriarchal contexts, women's relative vulnerability is increased by community failure to apply social control to protect women from criminal violence, and exacerbated by women's lack of recourse due to their political exclusion. I test this theory empirically in the context of the Mexican drug war. I use an original measure of patriarchal norms drawn from household surveys on gender roles to identify empirical associations between traditional social structures and higher levels of patriarchal norms pre-drug war. Exploiting the shock of the onset of the drug war, I find that higher levels of patriarchy pre-drug war lead to substantially greater increases in women's victimization relative to men's following the onset of the war. I find strong evidence that this victimization is non-domestic, reflecting how community control of violence fails to protect women from criminal victimization, and that women are most at risk when they are politically excluded. These findings speak to how social and political inequalities shape vulnerability to criminal violence, particularly in contexts where the state fails to provide security. Together, these papers highlight the complex layering of informal institutions which shape contemporary welfare in the context of widespread criminal violence.

Thesis (MPA.) --University of Limpopo, 2005 / Refer to the abstract

Thesis (LLD)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Section 25(2) of the 1996 Constitution states that property may only be expropriated for a public purpose or in the public interest and compensation must be paid. This dissertation analyses the public purpose and public interest requirement in light of recent court decisions, especially with regard to third party transfer of expropriated property for economic development purposes. The public purpose requirement is explained in terms of pre-constitutional case law to create a context in which to understand the public purpose and public interest in terms of the 1996 Constitution. This leads to a discussion of whether third party transfers for economic development purposes are generally for a public purpose or in the public interest. The legitimacy of the purpose of both the expropriation and the transfer of property to third parties in order to realise the purpose is considered. Conclusions from a discussion of foreign case law dealing with the same question are used to analyse the South African cases where third party transfers for economic development have been addressed. Based on the overview of foreign case law and the critical analysis of South African cases, the dissertation sets out guidelines that should be taken into account when this question comes up again in future. The dissertation also considers whether an expropriation can be set aside if alternative means, other than expropriating the property, are available that would also promote the purpose for which the property was expropriated. Recent decisions suggest that alternative and less invasive measures are irrelevant when the expropriation is clearly for a public purpose. However, the dissertation argues that less invasive means should be considered in cases where it is not immediately clear that the expropriation is for a valid public purpose or in the public interest, such as in the case of a third party transfer for economic development. The role of the public purpose post-expropriation is considered with reference to purposes that are not realised or are abandoned and subsequently changed. In this regard the dissertation considers whether the state is allowed to change the purpose for which the property was expropriated, and also under which circumstances the previous owner would be entitled to reclaim the expropriated property when the public purpose that justifies the expropriation falls away. It is contended that the purpose can be changed, but that the new purpose must also comply with the constitutional requirements. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Artikel 25(2) van die Grondwet van 1996 vereis dat `n onteining slegs vir `n openbare doel of in die openbare belang mag plaasvind, en dat vergoeding betaalbaar is. In die proefskrif word die openbare doel en openbare belang geanaliseer in die lig van onlangse regspraak wat veral verband hou met die onteining van grond wat oorgedra word aan derde partye vir doeleindes van ekonomiese ontwikkeling. Die openbare doel vereiste word geanaliseer in die lig van respraak voor die aanvang van die grondwetlike bedeling om beide die openbare doel en openbare belang in terme van die Grondwet van 1996 te verstaan. Op grond van hierdie bespreking word die vraag ondersoek of die onteiening van grond vir ekonomiese ontwikkeling en die oordrag daarvan aan derde partye vir `n openbare doel of in die openbare belang is. Gevolgtrekkings uit `n oorsig van buitelandse respraak waarin dieselfde vraag reeds behandel is dien as maatstaf vir die Suid-Afrikaanse regspraak oor die vraag te evalueer. Op grond van die kritiese analise van die buitelandse regspraak word sekere aanbevelings gemaak wat in ag geneem behoort te word indien so `n vraag weer na vore kom. Die vraag of `n onteiening ter syde gestel kan word omdat daar `n alternatiewe, minder ingrypende manier is om die openbare doel te bereik word ook in die proefskrif aangespreek. In onlangse regspraak word aangedui dat die beskikbaarheid van ander, minder ingrypende maniere irrelevant is as die onteiening vir `n openbare doel of in die openbare belang geskied. Daar word hier aangevoer dat die beskikbaarheid van alternatiewe metodes in ag geneem behoort te word in gevalle waar dit onduidelik is of die onteining vir `n openbare doel of in die openbare belang geskied, soos in die geval van oordrag van grond aan derde partye vir ekonomiese ontwikkelingsdoeleindes. Ter aansluiting by die vraag of die onteining van grond vir oordrag aan derdes vir ekonomiese ontwikkeling geldig is, word die funksie van die openbare doel na onteiening ook ondersoek. Die vraag is of die staat geregtig is om die doel waarvoor die eiendom onteien is na afloop van die onteiening te verander. Die vraag in watter gevalle die vorige eienaar van die grond teruggawe van die grond kan eis word ook aangespreek. Daar word aangevoer dat die staat die doel waarvoor die eiendom benut word kan verander, maar dat die nuwe doel ook moet voldoen aan die grondwetlike vereistes. / South African Research Chair in Property Law, sponsored by the Department of Science and Technology, administered by the National Research Foundation and hosted by Stellenbosch University / Cuicci bursary fund / Faculty of Law Stellenbosch University

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land reform is a vital political issue that has been fiercely debated in recent years, especially in South Africa. With the historical background of South Africa consisting of colonialism and political resistance that resulted in racial discrimination, apartheid was forced onto the black citizens by the white government. To correct the injustices of the apartheid regime, the new democratic government had to find a way to redistribute land that was previously owned by citizens previously disposed of their land. The South African government uses land reform to address the social, political and economic issues that this newly democratic country face; however, it has not been implemented very well to date. The aim of this study was to determine the perceptions on the progress and implementation of land reform in the Matzikama Municipality of South Africa. With different stakeholders’ perceptions to be taken into consideration, this study focused on three aspects: (1) the perceptions of commercial farmers in the Matzikama Municipality; (2) the progress of Equity Share Scheme (ESS) projects in the Matzikama Municipality; and (3) the perceptions of the key role players on land reform. The study focused on the commercial farmer members of the Vredendal famers’ association and members of the ESS projects in close proximity to Vredendal. The research objectives of this study were sixfold, namely (1) to examine the literature on land reform to establish an understanding of what land reform is about, what overall objectives it has, what types and approaches exist and how it has been implemented internationally; (2) to investigate policies, legislation and the land reform programme of South Africa and how it has been implemented nationally; (3) to identify the perceptions of the commercial farmers in the Matzikama municipal area on land reform; (4) to determine how successful or unsuccessful land reform projects have been in the Matzikama municipal area by investigating farms that have incorporated it; (5) to identify the perceptions that key role players have on land reform and to use these perceptions to assess the current state of the land reform programme in the study area; and (6) to identify the problems that the land reform programme is experiencing and to make recommendations on how to improve the current state of land reform. The necessary data was collected through a questionnaire survey among commercial farmers and conducting interviews with beneficiaries of ESS projects and key role-players. The data was then analysed by making use of Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) and Microsoft Excel. The findings indicate that the commercial farmers have a very negative perception of land reform, the main reason being that they felt the government was targeting white commercial farmers, and some respondents indicated that they felt insecure about land security. As for ESS projects in the Matzikama Municipality, the projects have not being very successful, although the Alfalfa land reform project is still trying to uplift its shareholders. From the data collected from the interviews conducted with the key role players, five problems were identified relating to the current implementation of the land reform programme in the study area in general: (1) the incoherence of the current policy-making approach and the massive gaps between national and local stakeholders in the current decision-making approach; (2) the slow acquisition process for agricultural land due to cumbersome bureaucracy; (3) the lack of partnership and integration between government departments, the private sector and beneficiaries; (4) the lack of government support, which has contributed to the poor success rate of land reform projects; and (5) the beneficiaries’ inexperience and lack of skills concerning farming. To address the problems identified with the current implementation of the land reform programme in South Africa, it is recommended that the government reassesses the approach it has been using to try to redistribute agricultural land. This can be done by ensuring that officials dealing with land reform have the necessary skills and experience to implement the strategies. The government should also consider a grassroots approach when identifying land for redistribution by making use of local communities. Funding from the government is also crucial and should be allocated appropriately. Lastly, the government should invest in programmes that focus on educating emerging farmers on managing a commercial farm successfully. / AFRIKKANSE OPSOMMING: Grondhervorming is 'n belangrike politieke kwessie waaroor daar die afgelope paar jaar heftig gedebatteer word, veral in Suid-Afrika. Met die geskiedkundige agtergrond van Suid-Afrika, bestaande uit kolonialisme en politieke weerstand wat gelei het tot rasse diskriminasie, is apartheid deur die wit regering afgedwing op swart burgers. Om die ongeregtighede van apartheid reg te stel, moes die nuwe demokratiese regering 'n manier vind om grond te herverdeel aan die voorheen benadeelde burgers wat voor apartheid die grond besit het. Die Suid-Afrikaanse regering gebruik grondhervorming om die sosiale, politieke en ekonomiese kwessies wat hierdie nuwe demokratiese land in die gesig staar, aan te spreek, maar dit word nie so goed geïmplementeer as wat die voorheen benadeelde burgers verwag het nie. Die doel van hierdie studie was om die persepsies oor die vordering met en implementering van die grondhervormingsprogram in die Matzikama Munisipaliteit van Suid-Afrika te bepaal. Met verskillende belanghebbendes se persepsies wat in ag geneem moet word, het hierdie studie gefokus op drie standpunte: (1) die persepsies van kommersiële boere in die Matzikama Munisipaliteit; (2) die vordering van Gedeelde-eienaarskapskema (ESS – Equity Share Scheme) projekte in die Matzikama Munisipaliteit, en (3) die sleutel rolspelers se persepsie oor grondhervorming. Die studie het gefokus op die kommersiële boere wat lid was van die Vredendal Boerevereniging en lede van die AWS projekte in die nabyheid van Vredendal. Daar was ses doelwitte vir hierdie studie, naamlik (1) om die literatuur oor grondhervorming te ondersoek om 'n begrip te bekom van wat grondhervorming is, watter algemene doelstellings dit het, watter tipe grondhervormng en benaderings bestaan, en om vas te stel hoe grondhervorming op ’n internasionale vlak geïmplementeer word; (2) om ondersoek in te stel oor die beleide, wetgewing en grondhervormingsprogram van Suid-Afrika en hoe dit op die nasionale vlak geïmplementeer word; (3) om die persepsies van die kommersiële boere in die Matzikama Munisipale gebied oor grondhervorming te identifiseer; (4) om te bepaal hoe suksesvol of onsuksesvol grondhervormingsprojekte in die Matzikama Munisipale area is deur ondersoek in te stel op plase wat AWS projekte begin het, (5) die persepsies wat belangrike rolspelers oor grondhervorming het, te identifiseer en hierdie persepsies te gebruik om die huidige toestand van die grondhervormingsprogram in Suid-Afrika te bepaal, en (6) die probleme wat die grondhervormingsprogram ondervind te identifiseer en aanbevelings te maak oor hoe om die huidige stand van grondhervorming in Suid-Afrika te verbeter. Deur die verspreiding van vraelyste onder die kommersiële boere en deur onderhoude met begunstigdes van AWS projekte en sleutel rolspelers te voer, is die noodsaaklike data ingesamel, waarna dit ontleed is deur gebruik te maak van die Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) en Microsoft Excel. Daar is bevind dat die kommersiële boere ’n baie negatiewe persepsie oor grondhervorming het. Die hoof rede hiervoor is dat hulle voel die regering teiken wit kommersiële boere en sommige respondente het aangedui dat hulle onseker voel oor grondsekuriteit. Die AWS-projekte was nog nie regtig suksesvol in die Matzikama Munisipaliteit nie, maar die Alfalfa grondhervormingsprojek bestaan nog en probeer om die aandeelhouers op te hef. Uit die data wat deur die onderhoude met die sleutel rolspelers versamel is, is vyf probleme met die huidige implementering van die grondhervormingsprogram van Suid-Afrika geïdentifiseer: (1) die onsamehangendheid van die huidige benadering tot beleidskepping en die massiewe gapings tussen die nasionale en plaaslike belanghebbendes wat die huidige besluitnemingsbenadering aanbetref, (2) die stadige verkrygingsproses van landbougrond weens omslagtige burokrasie; (3) die gebrek aan vennootskappe en integrasie tussen regeringsdepartemente, die private sektor en die begunstigdes van grondhervorming; (4) die gebrek aan ondersteun van die regering, wat bydra tot die swak slaagsyfer van grondhervormingsprojekte, en (5) die gebrek aan begunstigdes met ervaring en vaardighede met betrekking tot die landbou. Om die probleme met die huidige implementering van die grondhervormingsprogram in Suid-Afrika aan te spreek, word dit aanbeveel dat die regering die benadering wat hulle gebruik om doe herverdeling van landbougrond te finaliseer, herevalueer. Dit kan gedoen word deur te verseker dat amptenare wat met grondhervorming werk die noodsaaklike vaardighede en ondervinding het om die nodige strategieë te implementeer. Die regering moet ook oorweeg om met behulp van die plaaslike gemeentskap grond te indentifiseer wat beskikbaar is vir herverdeling. Befondsing van die regering is ook van kardinale belang en moet toepaslik toegeken word. Laastens moet die regering belê in programme wat fokus op die opvoeding van opkomende boere wat hulle kan in staat stel om ’n suksesvolle kommersiële boere te word.