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陳健成. / "2009年8月". / "2009 nian 8 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 103-111). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Chen Jiancheng. / Chapter 第一章 --- 明代經世思想及經世文編之研究回顧 --- p.頁 1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 明代經世文編的規模 / Chapter 第一節 --- 「明代經世文編」所指涉的文集 --- p.頁22 / Chapter 第二節 --- 明代經文編的編成年代及卷帙 --- p.頁27 / Chapter 第三節 --- 明代經世文編規模之沿革 --- p.頁31 / 小結 --- p.頁54 / Chapter 第三章 --- 明代經世文編的編者及編輯思想 / Chapter 第一節 --- 編者們的編輯動機及經世思想 --- p.頁61 / Chapter 第二節 --- 編者們的編選原則 --- p.頁66 / 小結 --- p.頁72 / Chapter 第四章 --- 明代經世文編的内容主題 / Chapter 第一節 --- 分析的基準 --- p.頁74 / Chapter 第二節 --- 選文的內容大概和關注重點 --- p.頁81 / Chapter 第三節 --- 經世文編的內容特色 --- p.頁84 / 小結 --- p.頁97 / 結論 --- p.頁100 / 參考書目 --- p.頁102

Wong, Ho Yin. / Thesis submitted in: October 2008. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 265-275). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.ii / 緒論 --- p.iii / Acknowledgement --- p.iv / Abbreviations --- p.ix / List of Tables --- p.ix / Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introductory Chapter --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- The Two Research Questions --- p.3 / Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of Studying the DPJ --- p.6 / Chapter 1.4 --- Dissertation Framework --- p.7 / Chapter 1.5 --- Chapter Conclusion --- p.12 / Chapter Chapter 2: --- Background of Japanese Politics --- p.14 / Chapter 2.1 --- Opposition Failure in Japan --- p.15 / Chapter 2.2 --- External Constraints Faced by Opposition Parties --- p.17 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- Electoral System --- p.17 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- Electoral Campaign Law --- p.21 / Chapter 2.2.3 --- Clientelism and Centralized Government Financial Structure --- p.22 / Chapter 2.2.4 --- Party Organization of the LDP --- p.23 / Chapter 2.2.5 --- Voting Behavior --- p.27 / Chapter 2.2.6 --- Press Club System --- p.28 / Chapter 2.2.7 --- Conclusion --- p.31 / Chapter 2.3 --- Opposition Fragmentation in Japanese Politics --- p.32 / Chapter 2.3.1 --- Opposition Fragmentation under the 55´ة System --- p.32 / Chapter 2.3.2 --- Opposition Cooperation and the Break Down of the 55´ة System --- p.37 / Chapter 2.3.3 --- The New Party System and Opposition Coalition Failure --- p.39 / Chapter 2.3.4 --- The NFP Internal Fragmentation --- p.43 / Chapter 2.4 --- Opposition Failure and the DPJ --- p.48 / Chapter 2.4.1 --- The Emergence of the DPJ --- p.49 / Chapter 2.4.2 --- The Expansion of the DPJ --- p.52 / Chapter 2.5 --- Chapter Conclusion --- p.54 / Chapter Chapter 3: --- Theory and Methodology --- p.57 / Chapter 3.1 --- Party System --- p.58 / Chapter 3.1.1 --- Four Attributes of a Party System --- p.58 / Chapter 3.1.1.1 --- Number of Parties --- p.59 / Chapter 3.1.1.2 --- Relative Strength and Size --- p.59 / Chapter 3.1.1.3 --- Structure of Competition --- p.60 / Chapter 3.1.1.4 --- Cleavage System --- p.61 / Chapter 3.1.2 --- Two Propositions of Party System Change --- p.62 / Chapter 3.1.2.1 --- Cleavage System as a Determinant of Party System --- p.62 / Chapter 3.1.2.2 --- Party System as a System of Interaction --- p.65 / Chapter 3.2 --- Party Organization --- p.68 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Electoral Competition Perspective --- p.69 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- Sociological Perspective --- p.72 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- Institutional Perspective --- p.75 / Chapter 3.2.3.1 --- Genetic Model --- p.76 / Chapter 3.2.3.2 --- Institutionalization --- p.77 / Chapter 3.2.3.3 --- Implication of the Institutional Perspective --- p.78 / Chapter 3.2.3.4 --- Conclusion --- p.80 / Chapter 3.3 --- Media --- p.81 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- Role of Media --- p.81 / Chapter 3.3.1.1 --- Media as Neutral Transmitter --- p.82 / Chapter 3.3.1.2 --- Media as Watchdog --- p.83 / Chapter 3.3.1.3 --- Media as Servant --- p.84 / Chapter 3.3.1.4 --- "Media as “Trickster""" --- p.86 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- Media Effect --- p.87 / Chapter 3.3.2.1 --- Short-term Effect --- p.88 / Chapter 3.3.2.1.1 --- Agenda-Setting --- p.88 / Chapter 3.3.2.1.2 --- Framing --- p.88 / Chapter 3.3.2.1.3 --- Promote Image Campaign --- p.90 / Chapter 3.3.2.2 --- Long-term Effect --- p.91 / Chapter 3.3.2.2.1 --- Political Involvement --- p.91 / Chapter 3.4 --- Methodology --- p.93 / Chapter 3.4.1 --- Assessing Party Organization --- p.93 / Chapter 3.4.1.1 --- First-hand and Second-hand Interview --- p.94 / Chapter 3.4.1.2 --- Documentary Research --- p.94 / Chapter 3.4.1.3 --- Content Analysis on Politicians´ة Statements --- p.95 / Chapter 3.4.1.4 --- Counting on Distribution of Posts --- p.95 / Chapter 3.4.2 --- Assessing Media Strategy of the DPJ --- p.96 / Chapter 3.4.2.1 --- Documentary Research --- p.96 / Chapter 3.5 --- Chapter Conclusion --- p.97 / Chapter Chapter 4: --- Internal Coherence of the DPJ --- p.99 / Chapter 4.1 --- Factionalism in the DPJ --- p.100 / Chapter 4.2 --- Three Dimensions of Conflict --- p.104 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- Traditional Ideological Conflict --- p.105 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- Former Party Affiliation Conflict --- p.106 / Chapter 4.2.3 --- Generation Conflict --- p.107 / Chapter 4.3 --- Leadership of the DPJ --- p.108 / Chapter 4.4 --- Existing Literatures Explaining the DPJ Unification --- p.112 / Chapter 4.4.1 --- Electoral System --- p.113 / Chapter 4.4.2 --- Internal Balance of Selective Incentives --- p.114 / Chapter 4.4.3 --- Criticism towards Existing Explanations --- p.115 / Chapter 4.5 --- Three Factors Unifying the DPJ --- p.119 / Chapter 4.5.1 --- Leadership Manipulation in Party Organization --- p.122 / Chapter 4.5.1.1 --- Bottom-up Policy Making Process --- p.123 / Chapter 4.5.1.2 --- Balanced Leadership System --- p.127 / Chapter 4.5.1.3 --- Arrangement in the Merger with LP --- p.130 / Chapter 4.5.1.4 --- Conclusion --- p.133 / Chapter 4.5.2 --- Collective Incentive of the DPJ --- p.134 / Chapter 4.5.2.1 --- Role of Leadership in Collective Incentive --- p.136 / Chapter 4.5.2.2 --- Differentiation with the LDP --- p.140 / Chapter 4.5.2.3 --- Politicians´ة Conformity --- p.142 / Chapter 4.5.2.3.1 --- The Analysis --- p.144 / Chapter 4.5.2.3.2 --- Analysis Result --- p.146 / Chapter 4.5.2.3.3 --- Conclusion --- p.148 / Chapter 4.5.2.4 --- Conclusion --- p.150 / Chapter 4.5.3 --- Selective Incentive of the DPJ --- p.151 / Chapter 4.5.3.1 --- The Analysis on Party Post --- p.155 / Chapter 4.5.3.1.1 --- Standing Officers Council Post --- p.155 / Chapter 4.5.3.1.2 --- Next Cabinet --- p.163 / Chapter 4.5.3.2 --- The Analysis on Diet Post --- p.169 / Chapter 4.5.3.2.1 --- HR Post --- p.172 / Chapter 4.5.3.2.2 --- HC Post --- p.174 / Chapter 4.5.3.3 --- Conclusion --- p.176 / Chapter 4.6 --- Chapter Conclusion --- p.178 / Chapter Chapter 5: --- Media Strategy and Electoral Support of the DPJ --- p.181 / Chapter 5.1 --- Electoral Performance of the DPJ --- p.181 / Chapter 5.2 --- Explanations towards the DPJ Electoral Performance --- p.186 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- Structural Perspective --- p.186 / Chapter 5.2.1.1 --- Electoral System --- p.187 / Chapter 5.2.1.2 --- Changing Societal Ideology --- p.190 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- Party Organization Perspective --- p.192 / Chapter 5.2.3 --- Voting Behavior Perspective --- p.194 / Chapter 5.2.4 --- Criticism towards these Explanations --- p.196 / Chapter 5.3 --- Support Base of the DPJ --- p.197 / Chapter 5.3.1 --- Unaffiliated Voters and DPJ Support --- p.200 / Chapter 5.3.2 --- Characteristics of Unaffiliated Voters --- p.202 / Chapter 5.3.3 --- Mobilization of Unaffiliated Voters --- p.205 / Chapter 5.3.4 --- Media and Unaffiliated Voters --- p.208 / Chapter 5.3.5 --- Conclusion --- p.212 / Chapter 5.4 --- Media Strategies of the DPJ --- p.213 / Chapter 5.4.1 --- Image and Popularity Promotion of the DPJ before 2001 --- p.215 / Chapter 5.4.1.1 --- Popularity Promotion Campaign --- p.215 / Chapter 5.4.1.2 --- Image Promotion Campaign --- p.217 / Chapter 5.4.1.3 --- Clarify Party Vision Campaign --- p.218 / Chapter 5.4.1.4 --- Development of New Media Channels --- p.219 / Chapter 5.4.1.5 --- Conclusion --- p.221 / Chapter 5.4.2 --- Policy Oriented Strategy and the Manifesto --- p.222 / Chapter 5.4.2.1 --- Adjustment in Party Organization --- p.223 / Chapter 5.4.2.2 --- Publications in Promoting Policy --- p.224 / Chapter 5.4.2.3 --- Policy-Oriented Electoral Campaign and Manifesto --- p.225 / Chapter 5.4.2.4 --- New Media in Policy-Oriented Campaign --- p.227 / Chapter 5.4.2.5 --- Conclusion --- p.229 / Chapter 5.4.3 --- The 2005 HR Election Defeat and Strategic Campaign --- p.229 / Chapter 5.4.3.1 --- Koizumi´ةs Success in Media Campaign --- p.230 / Chapter 5.4.3.2 --- The DPJ Failure in Media Campaign --- p.232 / Chapter 5.4.3.3 --- Party Organization Adjustment in Strategic Promotion Campaign --- p.235 / Chapter 5.4.3.4 --- Focuses in Strategic Promotion Campaign --- p.236 / Chapter 5.4.3.5 --- New Media in Strategic Promotion Campaign --- p.238 / Chapter 5.4.3.6 --- Strategic Promotion Campaign and the 2007 HC Election --- p.238 / Chapter 5.4.3.7 --- Conclusion --- p.239 / Chapter 5.5 --- Chapter Conclusion --- p.240 / Chapter Chapter 6: --- Conclusion Chapter --- p.242 / Chapter 6.1 --- Summary --- p.243 / Chapter 6.2 --- Theoretical Reflection --- p.246 / Chapter 6.3 --- Current Issues of the DPJ --- p.250 / Chapter 6.4 --- Further Works --- p.254 / Appendix I: Interview Record with a DPJ Officer --- p.257 / Appendix II: Interview Record with Professor Kabashima Ikuo --- p.262 / Bibliography --- p.265

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The problem being investigated is the historical situation relating to two independent MPs holding the balance of power in the Australian House of Representatives in 1940 and 1941. The two MPs, Arthur Coles and Alex Wilson, supported the conservative Menzies and Fadden governments before shifting their support (on October 3 1941) to the Labor Party led by Curtin. The procedure followed is the examination, in the form of a historical narrative, of primary evidence in private papers (such as Coles???s), analysis of Hansard (CPD), local and metropolitan newspapers. Also examined are references to the two independents in secondary literature. The key focus of interest will be the idea that chance or serendipity played a major role in achieving all the key outcomes which many Australians (and historians like Hasluck) often otherwise depict as the triumph of good sense within a supposedly non-problematic twoparty political system which self-selected the best possible leadership during time of war. Coles took over the seat of a popular Cabinet minister who had died in an air disaster. Coles???s and Wilson???s holding the balance of power was another extreme aberration, as no House of Representatives from 1906 to 1940, and none since, has not had either of the two party blocs (Labor and anti-Labor) without a majority. Hasluck, the most influential historian of Australian politics during the 1939-1945 war, viewed the fact of Coles???s and Wilson???s serendipity as evidence, in itself, of their wider historical, ideological and political irrelevance. The general results obtained by pursuing a critical historical narrative approach is that a strong counter-argument has been developed that suggests that Hasluck (and wider historical memory) has insufficiently valued as historical factors Coles???s and Wilson???s ideological aims. Coles was a representative of business progressivism and Wilson of agrarian socialism. The major conclusion reached is that Coles???s and Wilson???s wider aims led them to adopt the tactic of timing their shift to Labor so as to maximize their ideological influence on the Labor administration that would result whenever they decided to exercise their entirely serendipitously attained balance of power.

This thesis sets out to examine the capacity of new governments to influence partisan-based policy and legislation. It examines two newly elected Queensland governments - the Nicklin Country-Liberal government in 1957- 1961 and the Goss Labor government in 1989- 1990 and analyses the introduction by those governments of major industrial relations legislative reform. The Nicklin Coalition government was elected to the Queensland parliament in 1957 after the collapse of the Gair Labor government. The Coalition was committed to extensive industrial relations legislative reform but had not prepared for, or anticipated the constitutional, administrative and legal problems associated with such reform. Nor had it taken into account the concessions that would need to be made to the state's trade unions in order to effect its reforms. Consequently it was not until 1961 that it found the time was propitious for the introduction of its major legislative reforms and the restructuring of the state's principal industrial relations legislation. By contrast, in 1989 the Goss government elected as a consequence of the National Party's collapse in the face of the Fitzgerald Inquiry of 1987 had prepared itself for government. As a result it was able to take advantage of its newly elected status and the existence of the Hanger Report (1988) to introduce its legislative intentions quickly, in such a way that it did not alienate the business community. Preparation and circumstances therefore allowed Labor to repeal earlier legislation supported by business and introduce its own changes with little or no opposition. The thesis concludes that their political and economic inheritance and the existing policy environment will in varying degrees limit new governments. But their ability to introduce partisan-based legislative change quickly is also determined by the degree of preparation for the process of government, undertaken prior to their election. This thesis demonstrates that new governments can make a difference and effect changes to the industrial relations environment. However if this potential is to be realised and new governments are to take advantage of their newly elected status it will require a significant degree of administrative preparation or a considerable period of acclimatisation to the rigours of office.

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Local government is one of three tiers of government that operate in Australia. This research investigates how marketing can be applied to local government in a holistic manner. To achieve this goal, theory needed to be reviewed and developed with one particular outcome being a model outlining the components of the marketing environments that need understanding prior to the application of marketing practice. Local government was selected as the context of this study as much is written about the marketing of not-for-profit, social and public sector organisations but the literature on the integration of these practices in a holistic approach for local government is very limited. Further local government has a major economic impact on the viability and longevity of many rural and semi-rural areas of Australia. Equally in the metropolitan areas, local government accounts for a considerable proportion of the employment and impact on growth and development of these regions. Traditional marketing theory has been found wanting in the local government area, as traditional marketing practices is being applied in a piecemeal approach. This practice has caused local governments to have conflicting messages and product offerings to the community. However the review of marketing derivatives theory shows that no one derivative addressed the scope of products and activities managed by local government. Reviewing these derivatives show that marketing core concepts are relevant to local government, but the complexity lies in the application of marketing where the components of added complexity were derived from the organisational focus, structure and target market definitions. The theoretical process to develop this understanding of local government marketing and to develop a proposed model for the application of local government marketing was derived from the literature relating to the core traditional marketing concepts and the marketing derivatives of public, not-for-profit and social marketing. This review of the literature aided in defining the complexities of local government marketing and helped found the preliminary local government marketing model. With the use of case analysis three local government cases were explored. The first case, a metropolitan local government, used convergent interviewing to determine the factors relevant to the development of the holistic local government marketing model. Confirmatory case analysis was used for the remaining two cases, one semirural and one rural, to refine the developing model. Ultimately, the model was confirmed in principle but minor changes were required to make the model robust across the three cases. From a theoretical perspective the research identified that the marketing derivatives used in the development of the local government marketing model were relevant and further sets local government apart from but integrated with the three derivatives studied. From a practical perspective the development of the local government marketing model goes some way to developing practices that are coordinated and integrated across the local government organisation, thus providing local government with the advantages of having an integrated local government marketing approach.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1983. / Vita. Bibliography: leaves [145]-155.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept of Political Science, December 2002. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.