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This thesis examines the concurrent changes in Turkish identity and in the Turkish language from the early developments in the period of the modernizing Tanzimat reforms to the Anatolian Turkish nationalism and the alphabet and language reform of the Republican era. It looks specifically at how language issues played a large role in the development of Turkish national identity towards the end of the Ottoman period, and also examines the development of Ottomanism and Islamism. Finally it looks at how the desire to promote secular Turkish nationalism in place of the old Ottoman-Islamic identity was the driving force behind the Kemalist script and language reforms and discusses some of the consequences of these planned changes to the Turkish language and to the basis of Turkish identity. / Ce mémoire traite des changements qui ont eu lieu en même temps dans l’identité turque et dans la langue turque à partir de la période de réforme et de modernisation du Tanzimat jusqu’au nationalisme turc anatolien et à la réforme de l’alphabet et de la langue dans la période républicaine. Ce travail étudie spécifiquement le grand rôle que le thème du langage a joué dans le développement de l’identité nationale turque vers la fin de la période ottomane, et aussi s’occupe du développement de l’ottomanisme et de l’Islamisme. Finalement, on examine comment le désir de propager le nationalisme turc laïc en place de l’ancienne identité ottomane-Islamique a motivé les réformes kémalistes de l’alphabet et de la langue, et on termine avec une discussion de quelques conséquences de ces changements planifiés par rapport à la langue et à la base de l’identité turque. fr

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<p> <i>The Object of Zionism</i> investigates the fabrication of the State of Israel as a unique project in modern history&mdash;unprecedented in its relative scope and rates of growth; ideological and visionary roots; political and ethical circumstances; and concentration of architectural experiments. These experiments entailed the molding of a new artificial landscape and infrastructure, the destruction and expulsion of indigenous Palestinian communities, and the construction of dozens of New Towns and hundreds of new rural settlements for Jewish refugees and immigrants. Indeed, contrary to common belief and to visual impression, the State of Israel was not born of haphazard improvisation, emergency routine, or speculative ventures, and certainly not of gradual autochthonous build-up, but rather of the objective to construct a comprehensive, controlled, and efficient model-State and put into praxis modernist regional, urban, architectural, and sociological theories. </p><p> The Dissertation is conceived along the intricate dialectics of <i> Land and State.</i> These two foundational notions are positioned not as a diachronic sequence (referring until 1948 to the <i>Land of Israel </i> and thereafter to the <i>State of Israel</i>), but, quite the contrary, as an immanent bipolar condition informing all textual manifestos and spatial manifestations that may be referred to as Zionist. </p><p> Chapter 1 describes Zionism as an ideologically rural construct, as a strategically expansionist movement, and as an architecturally inventive culture, producing ever more new settlement typologies. </p><p> Chapter 2 studies the initial master-plan of the State of Israel, published in 1951. This plan, within less than a decade, transformed from a statement of 4 principles into a mega-project transcending its originators and becoming a self-generating planning machine. </p><p> Chapter 3 depicts the attempt to constitute a continuous political hegemony and a consensual cultural uniformity in Israel of the 1950s and to support such an official "Statist" attitude by a conscious and fairly elaborate architectural discourse. </p><p> Chapter 4 examines both the efficiency and benevolence of the welfare-state and its coercive policy of social engineering associated with the ambitious project of mass housing. </p><p> Chapter 5 narrates the all-too-decisive absorption of Brutalist architecture in Israel, and its instantaneous diffusion throughout all private and public sectors, programs, and typologies.</p>

This study employs Cognitive Linguistics to determine the foundational elements of the ancient Israelitesâ concept of teaching as reflected in the text of the Hebrew Bible (Old Testament) and Ben Sira, a significant post-biblical Hebrew book interested in teaching and wisdom. It analyses four prominent lexemes that comprise a lexical set referring to the act of teaching: ××¨× -H (yrh in the Hiphil stem), ××× -D (lmd in the Piel stem), ×××¢ -H (yd` in the Hiphil stem), and ×סר -D (ysr in the Piel stem). The thesis concludes that, in its most basic form, the concept of teaching in ancient Israel was that a teacher creates the conditions in which learning can occur. The methodology employed in this project is built on a premise of cognitive studies, namely, that because teaching is a universal human activity, there is a universal concept of teaching: one person A recognises that another person B lacks knowledge, belief, skills, and the like (or has incomplete or distorted knowledge, etc.), and person A attempts to bring about a changed state of knowledge, belief, or skill in person B. This universal concept provides the starting place for understanding the concept of teaching that Biblical Hebrew reflects, and it also forms the conceptual base against which the individual lexemes are profiled. The study incorporates a micro-level analysis and a macro-level analysis. At the micro-level, each lexeme is examined with respect to its linguistic forms (the linguistic analysis) and the contexts in which the lexeme occurs (the conceptual analysis). The linguistic analysis considers the clausal constructions of each instantiation and determines what transitivity, ditransitivity, or intransitivity contributes to the meaning. Collocations of the lexeme, including prepositional phrases, adverbial adjuncts, and parallel verbs, are evaluated for their contribution to meaning. The conceptual analysis of each lexeme identifies the meaning potential of each word, as well as what aspect of the meaning potential each instantiation activates. The study then determines the lexemeâs prototypical meaning, which is profiled on the base of the universal concept of teaching. This step of profiling represents an important adaptation of the Cognitive Linguistics tool of profiling to meet the special requirements of working with ancient texts in that it profiles prototype meanings, not instantiations. In the macro-analysis, the data of all four lexemes in the lexical set are synthesised. The relationships among the lexemes are assessed in order to identify the basic level lexeme and consider whether the lexemes form a folk taxonomy. Finally, the profiles of the four prototype meanings are collated and compared in order to describe the ancient Israelite concept of teaching. The study finds that the basic level item of the lexical set is ××× -D (lmd-D) based on frequency of use and distribution. In its prototypical definition, ××× -D (lmd-D) means to intentionally put another person in a state in which s/he can acquire a skill or expertise through experience and practice. In contrast to this sustained kind of teaching, the prototypical meaning of ××¨× -H (yrd-H) is situational in nature: a person of authority or expertise gives specific, situational instruction to someone who lacks knowledge about what to do. The lexemes ×סר -D (ysr-D) and ×××¢ -H (yd`-H) represent the most restricted and the most expansive lexemes, respectively: the prototypical meaning of ×סר -D (ysr-D) is to attempt to bring about changed behavior in another person through verbal or physical means, often to the point of causing pain; the prototypical meaning of ×××¢ -H (yd`-H) is that a person of authority causes another person to be in a state of knowing something from the divine realm or related to experiences with the divine realm. The study determines that while the four lexemes of the Biblical Hebrew lexical set âto teachâ have significant semantic overlap, they cannot be construed in a folk taxonomy because the words are not related in a hierarchical way.

<p> As the sole stable democracy in the Middle East and the only Jewish democratic country in the world, Israel faces unique challenges. The intersection of religion and civic responsibility has been a central internal conflict since Israel's founding in 1948, and today has reached a critical breaking point. The Haredim are a rapidly growing insular Ultra-Orthodox segment of Israel's Jewish population that have wielded disproportionate political influence since the birth of the nation. Refusing to seek jobs in a secular economy or participate in the military, these Jews perceive themselves as an independent religious community and actively seek to preserve that distinction. As Ultra-Orthodox, this community embraces only the most stringent interpretations of the Jewish bible, called the Torah, and insists that Israel's democracy incorporate central tenets of biblical law within its governing bodies. The Haredim's fervent rejection of the economic, educational, social, and military pillars that constitute the backbone of modern-day Israel comes at a high cost to the state. High unemployment rates and a refusal to participate in Israel's conscription military place the Haredim at odds with the vast majority of Jewish Israelis who do not share their values and pay large sums of money to support them. The Haredim currently comprise 11 percent of the total population and are expected to reach 18 percent by 2030. The social, economic, and military implications of this growth are dire and the need for remediation is urgent. A critical and thorough examination of evidence and primary sources supports this urgency. In 2014, a dramatic political shift in Israel enabled the current governing coalition to take a litigious approach towards addressing its shared future with the Haredim. Haredi compliance with new laws is unlikely given that the Haredim feel duty-bound only to the Torah, yet an emerging middle-class of Haredim who embrace secular values while retaining their religious roots may be the key to preserving Haredi values while encouraging more responsible civic participation. It is difficult to envision a future in which Israel is militarily strong, financially solvent, and able to preserve itself for future generations if Israel cannot thoughtfully address its complicated relationship with the Haredim.</p>

In this study, I will argue that the difference between profane love and sacred love, as examined in Jāmī's masnavī Yūsuf va Zulaykhā, can be conceptualized through vision and narrative planning. Jami's tale centers on Zulaykhā's love for Yusuf and her subsequent conversion to monotheism. The text makes extensive use of the sense of sight, especially through the trope of jelvah-i maḥbūb, the blinding hierophany of the beloved, to create meaning and to illustrate the transformation of Zulaykhā's profane love into sacred love. This transformation occurs in several stages, each of which conveys philosophical and mystical doctrines from Ibn 'Arabī. / Lors de cette étude, nous argumenterons que la différence entre l'amour profane et l'amour sacré, tel que présentée par Jāmī dans le masnavī Yūsuf va Zulaykhā, peut s'exprimer par la vision et la répartition du récit. Le récit de Jāmī se concentre autour de l'amour de Zulaykhā pour Yūsuf et sa conséquente conversion au monothéisme. Le texte utilise le sens de la vue , surtout à travers la figure de style jelvah-i maḥbūb, la hiérophanie éblouissante du bien-aimé, afin d'illustrer et de donner un sens à la transformation de l'amour profane de Zulaykhā en amour sacré. Cette transformation a lieu en plusieurs étapes, chacune communiquant des doctrines mystiques et philosophiques d'Ibn 'Arabī.

This dissertation explores the position of Gypsies in the sixteenth century Ottoman Empire in an engagement with the formidable material, historiographical and conceptual challenges that this venture entails. These challenges stem from the limitations of the sources on Gypsies, the variety of narratives produced in contemporary scholarship on the history of Gypsies and deployment of contested concepts such as "marginality," "ethnicity" and "race" with almost no problematization, contextualization and historicization. Chapter one discusses theoretical and conceptual challenges through looking at various studies on those positioned on the margins, chapter two deals with the material challenges and introduces the historical sources and their limitations. Here I pay particular attention on the court records and how they have been used in Ottoman historiography up until now, as the court records of Üsküdar extending from 1530 – 1585 constitute the backbone of this dissertation. Following this methodological overview of the sources, Chapter three and four are a macro analysis of Ottoman social and moral landscapes. Here an attempt is made to position Gypsies within this contested landscape. Then the thesis takes a rather micro turn, though it should not be considered as a micro-history. In chapter five, Üsküdar's local court and its records are introduced as well as some of the problems encountered in studying Gypsies through the prism of these court records. Chapter six is where my argument comes together and binds the various parts of the dissertation. Reading the court records in communication with the kanunnames, mühimme registers and published research on the tahrir registers, it is an attempt to demonstrate hybridity and diversity within the community of Gypsies. After demonstrating this diversity within the category 'Gypsy', chapter seven attempts to analyze how the Ottoman Imperial state appropriated what I call a "community in motion" at various levels into its administrative system. Through considering the state's various policies especially those regarding taxation, settlement and the incorporation of many Gypsies in the Balkans within the structure of the auxiliary military forces – müsellems - yet at the same time (ideally) excluding them from joining the Janissary corps, I argue that the Ottoman state policy vis a vis Gypsies in the sixteenth century Balkan and Anatolia was neither uniform nor did the ruling authorities have a singular and monolithic view of Gypsies. One of the main conclusions of this dissertation is that the legal, social and economic status of Gypsies in the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century is much more complicated than what can merely be characterized as marginalization or toleration. The interaction of the Gypsies, both with the state and with the Ottoman society at large, was simultaneously both hostile and symbiotic. / Ce mémoire étudie la position des tziganes dans l'Empire ottoman du seizième siècle en engageant avec les défis matériaux, historiographiques et conceptuels formidables qu'entraine cette entreprise. Ces défis proviennent des sources limités sur les tziganes, des récits variables de la recherche contemporaine sur leur histoire, et l'emploi de concepts contestés comme la marginalité, l'ethnicité et la race sans aucun effort de problématisation, contextualisation ou historicisation. Le premier chapitre discute les défis théoriques et conceptuels à travers plusieurs études sur les marginalisés, tandis que le deuxième chapitre fait connaître les défis documentaires en introduisant les matériaux historiques et leurs limitations. Ici je concentre sur les documents judiciaires et la manière dans laquelle on les a exploités dans l'historiographie ottomane jusqu'à présent, et ca parce que les documents d'Üsküdar qui datent des années 1530-1585 représentent le noyau de ce mémoire. Enchainant avec ce survol des sources, les troisième et quatrième chapitres constituent une macroanalyse du paysage social et morale. Une tentative est faite ici à localiser les tziganes dans ce paysage. À ce point, le mémoire tourne vers le plan micro, sans pour autant devenir une micro-histoire en soi. Dans le cinquième chapitre, la cour régionale d'Üsküdar et ses documents judiciaires sont introduits ainsi que certains problèmes qui se présentent dans l'étude des tziganes à travers le prisme de ces documents. Le sixième chapitre représente le cœur de mon argumentation et c'est ici ou sont liés les différents fils du mémoire. Une lecture des documents judiciaires dans le contexte des kanunnames, registres mühimme et la recherche publiée sur les registres tahrir, montre l'hybridisme et la diversité à l'intérieur de la communauté tzigane. Après cette démonstration de la diversité au sein de cette catégorie dite «tzigane», le septième chapitre tente d'analyser comment l'état impérial ottoman a su intégrer ce que j'appelle une communauté mobile dans son système administrative. Par une considération de leurs politiques, surtout ceux de l'imposition, de l'installation et de l'incorporation de plusieurs tziganes balkaniques aux rangs des forces auxiliaires militaires – müsellems -- tout en leur refusant d'entrée dans le corps Janissaire. Je maintiens que la politique d'état ottomane vis-à-vis les tziganes dans les Balkans et l'Anatolie durant le seizième siècle n'était ni uniforme ni astucieux. Les autorités n'avait qu'une vue singulière et monolithique des tziganes. Un des principales conclusions du mémoire est que le statut légal, social, et économique des tziganes dans l'Empire ottoman à cette époque était d'une complexité qui dépasse nos caractérisations de marginalité ou tolérance. L'interaction des tziganes avec l'état, ainsi qu'avec la société ottomane, était simultanément hostile et symbiotique.