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No description available.

This thesis explores the role of land reform in the production of space and relations of power in rural South Africa after 1994, based on a case study of a cluster of restitution farms in Makhado municipality in Limpopo province in northern South Africa. It uses Henri Lefebvre's theory of the production of space, which proposes that space is a dynamic social construction and that spatial and social – and hence power - relations are mutually constitutive. Land reform processes are considered using three components of the production of space identified by Lefebvre, namely the material, the conceptual and the lived. These components are applied to three core themes in land reform which emerged from the research: authority and land governance; property relations; and land use (production and settlement). The investigation was based primarily on interviews with inhabitants in the research area affected by land reform, with individuals with some historical knowledge of the area, and with various individuals from government and other support organisations with some relation to land reform in the area. The methods included an element of participant observation and some archival research. The research indicates that land reform had an uneven impact on the production of space and power relations in the area of study. Contradictions emanating from within the state in particular exacerbated this unevenness. The retention of the private property framework and the entrenchment of pre-existing forms of authority and relations of power – private landowners and traditional authorities – constituted limitations on the role land reform could play in altering rural spaces and power relations. However, land reform simultaneously facilitated openings for subterranean shifts through new practices, rooted in everyday activities at the micro-spatial level, which signalled potential broader shifts in spatial and power relations over time.

After the reformation and opening-up of the ecomonic system in Mainland China, the first special economic zone was established in 1979. Because the first special economic zone was very successful, the first series of Economic - Technological Development Areas were approved by the State Council in May, 1984. So far many companies have chosen the Technological Development Areas as their manufacturing bases. This study sampled 15 companies which had taken Technological Development Areas into their considerations. This study is based on three Development Areas:Tianjin Economic - Technological Development Area, Qingdao Economic - Technological Development Area, and Hangzhou Economic - Technological Development. Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) was used to analyze the selection strategies of Investing in the Economic & Technology Development Areas in China. According to the result of AHP¡Athe conclusions are as follows¡G 1.The most important factor in the second level is ¡§Government Management¡¨. 2.The top one criteria in the third level is ¡§the supply, quality, and price of local energy¡¨¡Athe second is ¡§ the convenience of obtaining materials¡¨¡Aand the third is ¡§the convenience of obtaining professional workers¡¨. 3.The best alternative is Hangzhou Economic - Technological Development Area.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2003. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 50-53). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2003. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 50-53). Also available on the Internet.

This is a dissertation about the organisational structure of the World Bank, the professional practice of evaluation, and the meaning of the concept of aid effectiveness in practice. In international development, evaluation is a professional activity that determines and then reports on the impacts of aid projects and programmes to the clients of such efforts and to the public. 'Aid effectiveness' is a concept that refers to a standard of how aid projects and organisations should operate and the results, such as economic growth and poverty alleviation, which these efforts should deliver in order to work. The concept of 'aid effectiveness' has also been used in the debate about international development as a system and its reform. Given that aid policymakers and academic researchers often use the data contained in development organisations evaluations to determine the extent to which aid projects and programmes are 'effective', it is critical to analyse what these evaluations measure and what influences their ratings and judgments. Based on a case study of the World Bank, the analysis is primarily qualitative and draws on both interviews with evaluation professionals in the World Bank and content analyses of the logical framework, indicators, and language in the World Bank's evaluations at the project- and country-level. Building on the previous theoretical work in post-structuralism that considers how international development organisations 'produce' their work through certain terms and processes (Escobar, 1995; Crush, 1995), I assess how the professional practice of evaluation in the Bank 'produces' the results of aid at the project- and country-level, specifically in the evaluation reports that it makes publically available. The World Banks data and evaluation reports are a window through which to understand the impact of aid, and several factors that influence this 'window' are assessed, including the institutional role of evaluation, the professional practice of evaluation, and the required evaluation processes within the World Bank. The study has important implications for practitioners of international development, academic researchers, and evaluation professionals who endeavour to improve the aid system and often rely on the results of the World Bank's evaluations to inform their understanding of the impact of particular development efforts. By reshaping the discussion from one which considers if aid 'works' to one about the data and the process of making a judgment about the success of aid projects and programmes, I articulate what the role of evaluation is in practice and what the World Bank's resulting evaluative data do and do not reflect about the World Bank's work. The relationship between the 'scales' of aid is also analysed by comparing and contrasting the evaluation processes at the project-level and the country-level. I challenge the notion of a 'micro-macro paradox' (Mosley, 1986) between the successful results of the World Banks projects and the economic development in its client countries by articulating the actual meaning of this data in context, the unseen institutional forces that shape this data, and the difficulty of asserting a linear relationship between the results of projects and programmes on different scales of aid.

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This thesis examines the perceptions of poverty and own-poverty held by people living in poor communities, and uses these to understand their realities as evident in the risks they face and the livelihood strategies they carry out. It engages with the debate on relationships between perceived poverty and objective indicators which dominate the poverty discourse. A comparative analysis of rural and urban areas is carried out motivated by literature findings on differences in perceptions between these areas. Qualitative and quantitative data was collected during seven months of fieldwork (2006) in relatively poor areas of Lagos state, South-West Nigeria. Perceptions of poverty in a highly populated and commercial area such as Lagos were found to be consistent with the factors that have informed traditional approaches to poverty. However, the identification of the poor based on perceptions of own-poverty differed remarkably from that based on locally identified indicators of poverty, and relative deprivation was found to be a key explanation. In using the perceptions of poverty and own-poverty to further understand the realities of poverty as understood by the poor, risks and livelihoods are also examined. The poor are faced with risks which they have limited capacities to insure themselves against and health risks featured prominently as the most anticipated and realised risk. Informal risk-sharing was the main risk-response used, however its capacity to cope is limited. Livelihood diversification is also a response to risks and in analysing this further (with a focus on the rural poor), a diversification spectrum made up of three categories: the least, mid and highly diversified, was constructed. The majority of those who perceived themselves as poor were in the middle of the spectrum and were engaged in a non-farm activity, suggesting that diversification into non-farm activities was not necessarily the preferred option in their perspective.

This thesis investigates empirically three questions of key relevance for the life of disadvantaged people in developing countries. Using a sample of Ethiopian women and a regression discontinuity design exploiting age discontinuities in exposure to a law that raised the legal age of marriage for women, the first chapter documents for the first time (a) the effect of increasing the legal age of marriage for women on infant mortality and (b) the causal effect of early cohabitation on infant mortality. The analysis shows that, even though it was not perfectly enforced, the law that raised the legal age of marriage had a large effect on the infant mortality of the first born child. Furthermore, the estimates suggest that the effect of a one-year delay in women's age at cohabitation on the infant mortality of the ffrst born is comparable to the joint effect on child mortality of measles, BCG, DPT, Polio and Maternal Tetanus vaccinations. Using longitudinal data from northern Ghana, the second chapter shows that parents allocate more schooling to children that are more cognitively able. These results provide evidence for the main prediction of the model of intra-household allocation of resources developed in Becker (1981), which concludes that parents allocate human capital investments reinforcing cognitive differences between siblings. The third chapter uses the 8.8 Richter magnitude earthquake that struck Chile in February 2010 as a case study and employs a difference in difference strategy to investigate whether natural disasters have lasting effects on property crime. The results show that the earthquake reduced the prevalence of property crime the year of the earthquake and that this effect remained stable over the 4 post-earthquake years studied. The lasting drop in crime rates in affected areas seems to be linked to the earthquake strengthening community life in these municipalities.