This thesis explores the marketing of American capital goods in the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA).The Importance of capital goods to LAFTA development was discussed. Machinery used for the production of other products is Important since LAFTA must achieve self-sufficiency by providing products manufactured in LAFTA before a common market is established.The problems of regional Integration were analyzed. These problems must be resolved If the common market Is to be functional by 1985. This date was established at Punta del Este, Uruguay, In 1967 by the chief executives of all Latin American nations.'In order to determine how American firms are preparing for the Latin American common market a mailed questionnaire was sent to 100 manufacturers of seven categories of capital goods. The 42 responses were analyzed to determine if American manufacturers are preparing for regional integration.The conclusion is that American firms are not confident that there will be a Latin American Common Market and they are not actively assisting LAFTA nations to achieve self-sufficiency.

The AFL-CIO established and maintained a foreign affairs organization, independent of the U.S. State Department, between the years 1954 and 1962. It engaged in foreign affairs activities as a means to protect itself and its ideology from domestic and foreign interference, to maintain or enhance domestic power and to satisfy its leaders' interests. What were the union's foreign policy commitments? Why were these chosen and by whom? How were these policies implemented? How effective was the union in fulfilling its commitments?The purpose of this paper is to answer these questions using the AFLCIO's activities in support of the Algerian independence movement, 19541962, as the primary example. Algeria was chosen because American labor actions on behalf of Algerian independence clearly demonstrated labor's principal foreign policy, commitment, viz. anti-Communism, and illustrated two of the main components of this basic policy: ending colonialism and gaining allies for the West.The Algerian example demonstrated the lengths to which labor would go in its struggle against Communism. Algeria was not a colony but an integral part of France, much like Alaska is of the United States. However, because the AFL-CIO leaders feared Communist infiltration of Algeria, they refused to recognize Algeria's legal status and supported its secession from France.In support of independence, American labor used the full range of its foreign policy options, including direct assistance to Algerian trade States to urge France to surrender Algeria. Labor's pursuit of its policies in and for Algeria did not go smoothly. The U.S. continued to supportunionists and indirect assistance to the revolution by pressuring the United France. The French were unrelenting in their opposition to labor's activities. The Algerian nationalists refused to compromise their conditions for accepting direct aid from American labor. Even after Algeria achieved independence, American labor could not be sure it had accomplished its goals. Algeria outlawed the Communist Party but it also refused alignment with the West and muzzled its trade union. American labor had difficulty implementing its policies in Algeria because most American labor leaders held unrealistic expectations regarding the role of labor in independent Algeria.Since it is necessary to document the existence of a separate labor foreign policy organization, an historical sketch is included in this paper. Further, to understand the circumstances surrounding the Algerian independence movement which affect labor's and the U.S. State Department's attitudes and activities, it is useful to know the nature of the relationships among Algeria, France and the U.S. Another historical sketch accomplishes this.The paper demonstratesthat the AFL-CIO (between 1954 and 1962) maintained an independent foreign affairs organization which established and pursued foreign policies. These policies were determined by the AFLCIO leadership and were primarily directed toward combatting Communism by developing free democratic trade union(s). The Algerian example will show that the implementation of union policies yielded inconclusive results due to circumstances largely beyond the union's control, viz. Algeria's determination to become an unaligned nation and its unwillingness to permit its trade union to become a source of potential political and economic opposition.

The study examined the theory and practice of international political economy in sub-Saharan Africa from a developmental point of view. The study looked specifically at the politics of economic integration for development, multilateral institutions that are involved in the developmental aid of the region, the challenges posed to sub-Saharan Africa's development by the international system (multilateral institutions and western developed countries) and extra regional partnership initiatives for the region's development. The study ascertained that sub-Saharan African leaders have, since the era of decolonisation, embarked on different ways or mechanisms to address the economic crisis of the region but, however, failed to rescue the region. Amongst mechanisms adopted was that of creating regional economic groupings like ECOW AS and SADC. However, majority of regional settings created for economic development did not have much of successes in saving sub-Saharan countries from debt crisis. Failure of these settings has been more pointed on the unpreparedness of other regional countries to cooperate. Multilateral institutions (IMF, World Bank and WTO) on the other hand, worsened the underdevelopment situation in the region, and therefore continued to dictate economic policy to sub-Saharan African countries. This was possible because many sub-Saharan African countries relied on aid from these institutions. Multilateral institutions continued to feature in the underdevelopment of sub-Saharan Africa by posing challenges like globalisation, economic policy and democratization to the development of the region. These challenges interfered with the development process of Sub-Saharan Africa. However, with NEP AD as \ he latest initiative for extra-regional partnership, there is some hope that sub-Saharan region and Africa at large will benefit from developmental initiatives proposed by NEP AD. / M.Soc.Sc. (International Relations) North-West University, Mafikeng Campus, 2005

This thesis principally studies the determination of UK export performance between the wars. Several improvements to the measurement of sterling's nominal and real effective exchange rate in the period are implemented, and the path of the exchange rate is related to UK and foreign exchange rate policies. The nature of competitiveness and the demand and supply mechanisms by which it may influence exports are discussed. In the light of this, and the commodity and geographical breakdown of UK exports, we suggest alternative measures of competitiveness which may appropriately be tested in econometric work. Aggregate UK export volume and price equations for the inter- war period are then estimated. Competitiveness, which is in turn influenced by the exchange rate, and the economic position of primary producing countries, are found to have had significant effects on UK export performance. Similarly specified equations are estimated for UK exports in eight industrial sectors. Distinctive characteristics of sectors may lead to substantial divergences between sectoral and aggregate behaviour. This is confirmed in further work on UK coal exports. Nevertheless, measures of the price of UK exports relative to the price of exports of other industrial countries generally give explanations of UK export performance which are superior to other competitiveness measures. A substantial statistical appendix containing data on, inter alia, UK and foreign exchange rates, trade volumes and values (with geographcial and commodity breakdown), labour costs and prices, together with the sources and methods used in their construction, is provided both for historical interest and to facilitate replication of results and further research.

During the 1860s, Chinese merchants reestablished their commercial organizations which are recorded as Guilds (hanghui) in the sources compiled under the guidance of the Qing local government officials. From the decade until the end of the 1880s, English sources emphasized the solidarity of the commercial organizations of Chinese merchants and their superiority to the British mercantile community in the commercial conflicts in which they were engaged. However, from the 1890s, English sources ceased to complain the strength of the commercial organizations of Chinese merchants, and, at the same time, Chinese sources emphasized the existence of a crisis in which Chinese merchants were losing their solidarity. Moreover, the Qing local government officials endeavoured to maintain their control over the commercial organizations of Chinese merchants, an attempt which led to the birth of Chinese chambers of commerce in the early twentieth century. Former studies, which dealt with the superiority of the Chinese merchants' organizations to the British mercantile firms in the 1860s and the 1870s, or the birth of the Chinese bourgeoisie and the activities of their commercial organizations in the early twentieth century, have not been able to reveal what happened in the commercial organizations of the Chinese merchants during the late nineteenth century. The solidarity of the Chinese merchant organizations was maintained by the rule that no one could claim the privilege of doing business without paying the Lijin tax imposed upon it, and the collapse of their solidarity began with when some Chinese compradors and merchants found it possible to do their business without keeping this rule by means of cooperating British mercantile firms, who enjoyed key privi- leges under the Treaties as regards non-payment of the Lijin tax and investment on the basis of limited liability. By intensively analyzing three commercial conflicts between prominent Chinese merchant organizations and British mercantile firms that took place in Shanghai between the end of the 1870s and the end of the 1880s, this study reveals how, and under what conditions some Chinese compradors and merchants could do their business without observing the afore-mentioned rule governing the Chinese merchants' organizations, what happened when British mercantile people became aware what their compradors or cooperative Chinese merchants had doing behind their back, and how these developments contributed to the end of the old-style merchant class, and the beginning of a bourgeoisie. By bringing these facts to the surface for analysis, this study shows a little known aspect of the Chinese society and tries on the basis to re-evaluate an aspect of concept of "China's response to the Western impact."

In recent years, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has become the main driving force of the economic dynamism of Southeast Asia. Japan, being the economic leader of the Southeast Asian countries during the 1980s and the early 1990s, is in a declining position in terms of leadership. Japan has also been experiencing economic recession since the mid-1990s and displaying only subtle signs of recovery recently. China, however, has taken the advantage of being the most demanding market of the region and already established the functional mechanisms of economic integration with ASEAN. This economic configuration of the region is the main inquiry of this study. Although the growing economic integration of China with ASEAN is fairly recent, it is generally discussed in the academic circles, that China has been taking the lead as an economic player in Southeast Asia. However, it is argued in this study that China is not yet ready to replace Japan as an economic leader of Southeast Asian in the long-term. Given the recent economic interaction between ASEAN and China, it is early to predict that China would replace Japan&#039 / s leading economic position. In addition to that, China&#039 / s blooming economy with its domestic crisis potential and China&#039 / s long-erm geo-strategic interests in the South China Sea should also be taken into account while analysing economic potentials of Japan and China in the ASEAN market. The study examines the related literature with a comparative methodology including the analysis of the recent statistical data and survey of the news.

The purpose of this paper was to examine the impact that the proliferation of regional trade agreements have had on the Multilateral Trading System and whether by allowing regional trade agreements under the World Trade Organization rules, the members of the World Trade Organization have not unwittingly weakened the multilateral trading system. It also examined the effect the proliferation of regional trade agreements have had on the special and deferential treatment for developing countries within the system.

The aim of this examination was to identify those evolving trends that are common to multilateral agreements some of which have been entered into by African developing countries, bearing in mind the debates and position of African developing countries. The study also aimed at examining the effects of these regulations on African countries especially with key provisions and the kinds of rights and obligations they confer on investors as well as the host country. As there is a need to create a balance between the interest of the host nation and the investor, the study also aimed at identifying if those evolving common trends can be used to establish a guideline for a standard bilateral investment treaty or on the other hand whether they can be used as a template for a multilateral agreement on investment.

Bibliography: leaves 462-479. / xx, 479 leaves ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / "... to provide a basis for understanding countertrade practices. In particular, however, it aims to provide assistance to trading parties to identify the problems associated with various forms of countertrade and to give them guidance in drafting countertrade contracts in the light of Australian law.". / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Law, 1998?

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Melbourne, Faculty of Law, 2005. / Author's name on spine: H.K. Mutai. Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 263-284).