Le but des législateurs français et égyptien, étant , avant tout, de protéger les auteurs. La législation comporte de nombreuses dispositions spéciales et éparpillées qui dérogent au droit commun, en particulier à celui des contrats, pour mieux défendre les intérêts matériels et moraux des auteurs. Cela a nécessairement une incidence sur l’attribution initiale de la titularité des droit s patrimoniaux sur les oeuvres de l’esprit. Conséquence logique de ce but, le véritable créateur de l’oeuvre de l’esprit bénéficie ab initio de tous les droits sur son oeuvre, et ce, quelles que soient les conditions matérielles et juridiques dans lesquelles il exerce son activité créatrice. Toutefois, il convient de mettre à part de nombreuses hypothèses au sein desquelles l’attribution de la propriété des droit s patrimoniaux sur les oeuvres de l’esprit peut soulever , même sous la loi actuelle de la propriété intellectuelle en France et l’Egypte, des difficultés particulières. Il s’agit, par exemple, de l’hypothèse d’une oeuvre publiée de façon anonyme ou sous pseudonyme. Aussi, du cas des oeuvres créées en collaboration, ou en collectivité sous la direction d’une autre personne. De même, il est fréquent que l’oeuvre soit le fait d’auteurs ou d’équipes d’auteurs dans le cadre d’un contrat de travail, voire le fait d’agents de l’Etat. Même si l’auteur est un indépendant, force est de constater qu’un grand nombre d’oeuvres est créé sur commande ou conçue par une personne et réalisé par une autre personne. Il convient aussi de s’interroger sur l’incidence que peut avoir le mariage de l’auteur sous un régime de communauté quant à la titularité des droits patrimoniaux. Ces hypothèses ont-elles une véritable incidence sur l’attribution de la titularité initiale des droits patrimoniaux à l’auteur ? / The destination of French and Egyptian lawmakers, is above all, protect the authors. The legislation contains numerous provisions scattered forces and to derogate from common law, particularly that of contracts, to better defend the moral and material interests of authors. This necessarily affects the initial allocation of ownership rights over the works of the mind. Logical consequence of this, the true creator of the work of the mind has ab initio all rights to his work, and this, whatever the legal and material conditions in which they exercise their creative activity. However, it is appropriate to share many assumptions in which the allocation of ownership rights over the works of the mind can raise, even under the current law of intellectual property in France and Egypt, difficulties. These include, for example, the hypothesis of a work published anonymously or pseudonymously. Also, the case of works created in collaboration or in the community under the direction of another person. Similarly, it is often the work is done the authors or teams of writers within the framework of an employment contract or the fact of state officials. Even if the author is an independent, it is clear that a large number of works created on commission or by a person designed and directed by another person. It should also consider the potential impact of the marriage of the author under a community as to the ownership of rights. These assumptions do they have a real impact on the allocation of initial ownership of rights to the author ?

Magister Philosophiae - MPhil

In terms of Section 29 (1) of the Constitution, everyone has the right to basic education. This right is not subject to ‘reasonable legislative and other measures, available resources and progressive realisation.’ The right to basic, compulsory education is widely regarded as a fundamental human right. For example, this right is included in a number of international human rights treaties such as the ‘Universal Declaration of Human Rights’, the ‘International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,’ the ‘African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child’, the ‘Convention on the Rights of the Child’, the ‘Dakar Framework for Action: Education for All’, and ‘UNESCO Convention against Discrimination in Education’. The South African Constitution, however, does not clarify the content and scope of the right to basic education. Consequently, the Constitution has given the state wide discretion to determine the scope, nature and content of this basic right. Apartheid left the South African education system fragmented and unequal. The South African educational system has gone through numerous curricula and institutional changes. The changes in the curriculum were part of the transformation process of the South African education system. In addition, the state has allocated substantial public funds towards basic education. However, the investment in basic education does not commensurate with the quality of teaching and learning in poor and marginalised schools. For example, several rural and farm schools in the Eastern Cape lacked toilet facilities; textbooks and other education support material; furniture; and other essential necessities. Education loses its transformative power when poor and marginalised schools continue to lack these essential services. Consequently, inequality is perpetuated and the poor and marginalised are unable to compete meaningfully in the social, economic and political life of South Africa. The mini dissertation concludes by recommending that the Department of Basic Education should ensure that all schools, especially those in rural communities and farms, have access to textbooks, qualified teachers, clean water and toilet facilities and other essential necessities needed for the delivery of quality basic education.

"Although there have been some benefits accruing form privatisation in Africa generally and South Africa in particular, the exercise has impacted negatively on socio-economic rights and service delivery. With privatisation, the role of the state in the provision of these services has been taken over by private service providers over which states have no direct control or have failed to exercise control. Although it ought to be acknowledged that there has been an increase in the production levels of some goods and utility services, for instance water and electricity, it is unfortunate that with several people increasingly losing their jobs as public enterprises are privatised, they cannot afford to pay the increased costs of these services. This has been the case with water privatisation in South Africa where the 'full cost recovery' model and the introduction of 'pre-paid metres' have led to disconnections of water to those who are unable to pay, thus reducing access. As a result, since 1994, over 10 million South Africans have had their water disconnected. The main problem has been 'profit motives and cost recovery' on the one hand versus 'poverty, unemployment and inability to pay' on the other. This inevitably impacts negatively on the right of access to sufficient water and also affects the enjoyment of other socio-economic rights and services like food, housing, health care, inter alia. ... This study is divided into five chapters. Chapter one will set out the content of the research, identify the problem and outline the methodology. Chapter two gives a general coverage of privatisation and its inter-relationship with socio-economic rights and services. Chapter three covers the international and regional legal regime governing the protection, respect, promotion and fulfilment of socio-economic rights. It also covers the obligations of both the state and non-state actors. Chapter four will analyse the water privatisation exercise in South Africa, and how it has impacted on the enjoyment of the right of access to water. Based on the findings in chapter four, chapter five will evaluate the privatisation process and determine whether it complies with international and constitutional human rights obligations, followed by recommendations and a conclusion." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004. / Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Pierre de Vos at the Faculty of Law, University of the Western Cape, South Africa / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

"The prevailing realities of 'severely depressed' African economies make it difficult for children to enjoy the socio-economic rights guaranteed under the Children's Charter. This study takes the view that the responsibility of parents and the obligations of the state towards children's socio-economic rights must be mutually supportive. It therefore proposes the need for balancing parental responsibility and state obligations in the struggle to ensure that the socio-economic rights of children across the continent are met, albeit, under difficult economic circumstances. ... The study is divided into five chapters. Chapter 1 has highlighted the structure of the entire discourse. Chapter 2 deals with the general perspectives of the socio-economic rights of children within the broad context of international human rights law. An overview of the normative and procedural framework of the Convention on the Rights of the Child is given. The chapter also examines the normative and procedural framework available for the protection of the child at the African regional level, the starting point of which is the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and eventually narrowed down to the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child. Chapter 3 addresses the concept of parental responsibility. In particular, Africa's notion of parental responsibility is critically analyzed as a factor that makes a crucial difference to the interpretations of the underlying assumptions in the Children's Charter that the socio-economic rights of children could be met through the African communal and extended family network. Chapter 4 deals with states obligations in respect of the socio-economic rights of children. The South African jurisprudence on the rights of the child is also discussed in this chapter. The chapter also highlights the interplay between parental responsibility and state obligations in fulfilling the socio-economic rights of children. Chapter 5 consists of conclusions of the essay." -- Chapter 1. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa))--University of Pretoria, 2003. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

The main objective of the study is to show how the use of tax incentives as means of attracting Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is threatening the realisation of socio-economic rights in Africa. Particular attention is given on how the granting of generous tax incentives can affect the proper and adequate provision of public services and infrastructures by highly reducing government revenue. The research does not intend to analyse the impact of loss of revenue through tax incentives on each and every socio-economic right. Rather the focus is on its general impact on obligations of African states to respect, protect and fulfill socio-economic rights as derived from the major international, regional and national human rights instruments / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Mr Pramod Bissessur, Faculty of Law and Management, University of Mauritius / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

This research is founded upon three fundamental premises. The first is that good governance is central to human development. The second premise is that the realisation of socio-economic rights is a necessary condition for the attainment of human development. The third premise is that pro-poor growth policies and frameworks are veritable tools through which human development can be delivered and socio-economic rights realised. The research Focuses on the view that human development should be the end of every growth policy regime and good governance the means to such end. Socio-economic rights on the other hand should serve as indicators to the formulation, implementation and the measurement of such policies / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Lilian Chenwi of the Community Law Centre, Faculty of Law, University of the Western Cape / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Thesis (LLD (Public Law))—University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH SUMMARY: The point of departure of this dissertation is that transformation in South Africa depends on transformative politics – extra-institutional, substantive, oppositional, transformation-oriented politics. One challenge South Africa’s constitution therefore poses to courts is to take account of the impact of adjudication on transformative politics. The purpose of this dissertation is to investigate the relationship between adjudication and transformative politics within a specific context – adjudication of socio-economic rights cases. This relationship is commonly described in a positive light – either that adjudication of socio-economic rights cases promotes transformative politics by giving impoverished people access to the basic resources required for political participation; or that adjudication of such cases is in itself a space for transformative politics. Although there is much truth in both these descriptions, both under-estimate the extent to which adjudication also limits transformative politics. This dissertation focuses on the extent to which adjudication limits transformative politics – it comprises an analysis of socio-economic rights cases with the aim of showing how adjudication of these cases, despite positive results, also limited transformative politics. The theoretical aspects of this problem are outlined in the first chapter. After a description of the body of case law on which the analysis focuses two chapters follow in which two ways in which adjudication limits transformative politics are investigated. The first traces how courts in socio-economic rights cases participate in discourses about impoverishment that tend to describe the problem as non-political – specifically how courts tend to describe impoverishment as technical rather than political in nature; and how courts implicitly legitimise in their judgments liberal-capitalist views of impoverishment that insist that impoverishment is best addressed through the unregulated market. Then follows a chapter investigating how views of legal interpretation in terms of which legal materials have a certain and determinable meaning that can be mechanically found by courts limit transformative politics by insulating adjudication from critique and emphasising finality in adjudication. Throughout it is shown how courts can mitigate the limiting effects of adjudication, by legitimating the political agency of impoverished people, by using remedies requiring political engagement between opponents and postponing closure in adjudication, and by adopting a different approach to interpretation, that emphasises the pliability and relative indeterminacy of legal materials. Despite this, the conclusion of the dissertation is that courts can never wholly avoid the limiting impact of adjudication on transformative politics, but should rather aim to remain continually aware of it. / AFRIKAANS OPSOMMING: Die uitgangspunt van hierdie proefskrif is dat transformasie in Suid-Afrika afhang van transformatiewe politiek – buite-institusionele, substantiewe, opposisionele, transformasie-gerigte politiek. Een eis wat Suid-Afrika se grondwet daarom aan howe stel, is om ag te slaan op die impak van beregting op transformatiewe politiek. Die doel van hierdie proefskrif is om die verhouding tussen beregting en transformatiewe politiek binne ‘n spesifieke konteks – beregting van sake oor sosio-ekonomiese regte – te ondersoek. Meeste beskouinge van hierdie verhouding beskryf dit in ‘n positiewe lig - óf dat die beregting van sake oor sosio-ekonomiese regte transformatiewe politiek bevorder deur vir verarmde mense toegang tot basiese lewensmiddele te bewerkstellig sodat hulle aan politieke optrede kan deelneem; óf dat beregting van sulke sake opsigself ‘n spasie is vir transformatiewe politiek. Hoewel daar waarheid steek in beide beskrywings, onderskat hulle die mate waartoe beregting ook transformatiewe politiek kan beperk. Hierdie proefskrif fokus op hoe beregting transformatiewe politiek beperk - dit behels ‘n analise van sake oor sosio-ekonomiese regte met die doel om te wys hoe beregting van hierdie sake, ten spyte van kennelik positiewe gevolge ook transformatiewe politiek beperk het. Die teoretiese vergestalting van hierdie probleem word in die eerste hoofstuk beskou. Na ‘n beskrywing van die liggaam van regspraak waarop die analise fokus volg twee hoofstukke waarin twee maniere waarop beregting transformatiewe politiek beperk ondersoek word. Die eerste beskou hoe howe in sake oor sosio-ekonomiese regte deelneem aan diskoerse oor verarming wat neig om hierdie probleem as non-polities te beskryf - spesifiek hoe howe neig om hierdie problem as tegnies eerder as polities van aard te beskryf; en hoe howe liberaal-kapitalistiese sieninge van verarming, ingevolge waarvan verarming deur die ongereguleerde mark aangespreek behoort te word, implisiet in hul uitsprake legitimeer. Dan volg ‘n hoofstuk wat naspeur hoe sieninge van regsinterpretasie ingevolge waarvan regsmateriaal ‘n sekere en vasstelbare betekenis het wat meganies deur howe gevind word, transformatiewe politieke optrede beperk deur die openheid van beregting vir kritiek te beperk en finaliteit in beregting in die hand te werk. Deurgaans word gewys hoe howe die beperkende effek van beregting kan teëwerk, deur die politike agentskap van verarmde mense te legitimeer, deur remedies te gebruik wat politieke onderhandeling tussen opponente bewerkstellig en finale oplossings uitstel, en deur ‘n ander benadering tot interpretasie, wat die buigsaamheid en relatiewe onbepaalbaarheid van regsmateriaal erken, te omarm. Tog is die gevolgtrekking van die proefskrif dat howe nooit die beperkende effek van beregting op transformatiewe politiek geheel kan vermy nie, maar eerder deurgaans daarop bedag moet wees.

Den här rapporten syftar till att undersöka hur upphovspersoner som sysselsätter sig med produktionsmusik identifierar sig med sitt komponerande och arbete, detta med hjälp av de organisationerna som de försörjer sig genom. De två organisationerna är STIM, Svenska Tonsättares Internationella Musikbyrå, eller Epidemic Sound. Skillnaden mellan de två organisationerna är huvudsakligen att hos STIM upplåter upphovspersonerna sitt verk till organisationen och de i sin tur får ansvaret att förvalta verket och samla in ersättning för upphovspersonens räkning, hos Epidemic Sound överlåter upphovspersonerna sitt verk för en engångsersättning. Epidemic Sound äger sedan verket och kan hyra ut musiken till olika produktionsbolag som vill ha musiken i sina produktioner. Till undersökningen har fyra kompositörer från STIM och fyra kompositörer från Epidemic Sound, samt en förläggare och en representant från STIM intervjuats. I rapporten framgår det att de som var anslutna till STIM har jobbat med musik länge, det är nästintill ett “kall” för dem, de ser verken som konstverk mer än som hantverk, de värdesätter upphovsrätten högt och ser ersättningen som en sekundär anledning till varför de sysselsätter sig med komponerandet. De från Epidemic Sound däremot ser sina verk mer som ett hantverk och den mer säkra lönen som går att få av Epidemic Sound är en stor anledning till varför de valt denna organisation. Med hjälp av organisations-, motivations och identitetsteorier har samband funnits mellan teorierna och val av ersättningsmodell. Denna studie påvisar att det skett en förändring på den svenska marknaden för produktionsmusik efter det att Epidemic Sound kom till år 2009. En förändring har skett gällande det institutionaliserade tillvägagångssättet att traditionellt licensera ut sin musik till produktionsbolag. Denna förändring har gett en ny typ av upphovspersoner med en annan arbetsidentitet en möjlighet att kunna försörja sig på sin musik. Detta har kunnat påvisas genom att studera hur upphovspersonerna identifierar sig med sitt arbete och komponerande beroende på vilken av modellerna de använder. / This essay aims to examine how composers who specializes in production music identify themselves with their composing and work, this with help from the organisations that they support themselves through. The two organisations are STIM, The Swedish Composers International Musicbureu, or Epidemic Sound. The difference between the two are mainly that with STIM the composers let them manage the administration and to collect their income with Epidemic Sound is that they sell their righs to Epidemic Sound for a flat-fee. Because of this transaction the composition is now owned by the company and they can rent it out to other production companies who would like to have the music in their productions. To the study four composers from STIM, four composers from Epidemic Sound, one publisher and one representative from STIM have been interviewed. In the report it emerges that the composers that are from STIM have worked with music for a long time, the work is almost like their destiny, they see their compositions as artwork than as a craftmanship, they put big value to the copyright law, and the commission is a secondary reason to why they do what they do. The composers for Epidemic Sound on the other hand see their work more like craftmanship and the more secure salary are the reason why the composers choose Epidemic Sound. With the help from organizational-, motivational- and identitybased theories connections has been made between the theories and revenue model. This study shows that there’s been a change within the swedish market for production music since Epidemic Sound was founded in 2009. A change has occurd regarding the institutionalized approach to traditionally license music to production companies. This change has given a new type of composers with another work identity an opportunity to provide themselves on their music. This has been detected by studying how the composers identify themselves with their work and their composing depending on what revenue model they choose.

The post-apartheid government of 1994 is a product of the ‘Age of Rights’. Statemaking processes and the exercise of state powers is managed by the rule of law based on a constitution. Constitutionally recognised rights, and rights protection institutions, animate a transition from a legacy of Black political exclusion and underdevelopment. Intensifying class stratification and inequality constrain Black’s formal realisation of citizenship rights, placing great pressure on creative interpretation of constitutionally legitimated claims. My thesis examines the rights discourse informing the Constitution, particularly issues about the realisation of social and economic rights. I examine the unfolding of discourses on the right to housing between 1994 to 2008, to illustrate of the complexity of the discourse. Episodic housing protests suggest significant degrees of alienation, marginalisation, and disappointment with expectations of citizenship and the non-realisation of social and economic rights. Housing rights is an issue that will affect the democratic consolidation and political stability prospects of the new political order. I examine the interface between macro-economic policies, budgets, and the realisation of housing rights, and assess the impact of an identifiable configuration of forces expected to play important roles in realising a rights culture and broadening the discourse. My study draws on a spectrum of qualitative, interpretive, and analysis of discourse approaches, using data from: published articles, annual reports and archives, speeches, court proceedings and statements, interviews with persons whose scope of activities impact the unfolding of the concerned rights, namely, representatives of government departments, private sector developers, financing institutions, and civil society formations. My main findings are that few actors in the configuration support the view that the Constitution should be changed to make explicit the state’s obligations on the realisation of social and economic rights. Nevertheless, there are isolated cases of people expressing an absolute entitlement sense of rights --- the state should deliver when demands are made. My conclusions are that considerable political unrest about non-realisation of these rights will persist, but will not cause a collapse of the post-1994 political institutions and processes. More likely, political actors, legal scholars and jurists, will persistently engage the prevailing rights discourse and the variety of institutions acting towards their realisation, without effecting drastic changes to these, but always invoking positions about how they still are suited for a post-apartheid transformation project yet need critical interrogation and improvisation.