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Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Division of Linguistics & Psychology, Department of Psychology, 2004. / Bibliography: p. 478-485. / Overview of introductory chapters -- Loevinger's conception of ego development -- How might ego stage change happen? -- Theories of sudden change -- Summary of introductory theory -- Aims of the study -- Method -- Preliminary results -- Stages 1-2: analysis of themes in stories of moments of insight -- Stage 3: analysis of story themes by ego level -- Stage 4: examining stories for evidence of ego level change -- Looking for signs of ego level change in case studies -- Case study 1: Sarah -- Case study 2: Louise -- Case study 3: Kasandra -- Case study counter example: Philip -- Revisiting three theoretical tenets of ego development -- Discussion. / Moments of insight - dramatic shifts in perspective in how a person sees him or herself or the world - may provide us with glimpses of how accelerated change might happen in Loevinger's (1976) stages of ego development. Identifying moments of insight as potentially being structural phenomena, and the marrying of them into ego development theory is original to this thesis. -- Ego development proceeds in successive stages that Loevinger described as "self-paradigms", somewhat like Kuhn's (1962) view of paradigms. If this metaphor holds, then at least sometimes, people would be expected to experience sudden, revolutionary paradigm-style changes in their stage of ego development. However only one substantial theory exists as to how stage-changes happen, and that is a theory of gradual change (Kegan, 1979), which is likely the most common form of change. A theory of sudden, revolutionary, paradigm-style change, then, would seem to address a theoretical gap in the concept of how ego development proceeds. This thesis seeks to address that gap. -- A total of 80 participants were tested in regard to their ego development level and a range of secondary measures, and invited to tell stories of their moments of insight: 15 through the medium of interviews (3 of whom became "case studies" and a fourth, a "counter example"), while 65 wrote their stories in questionnaires. -- Analysis was conducted through theoretical argument, through qualitative analysis backed by evidence from story data, and by quantitative analysis of the common themes apparent in the moment of insight stories. Criteria were developed from the data for identifying prototypical examples of moment of insight stories, and criteria for judging ego level change in transcripts were Loevinger's (1976) empirically derived stage descriptions. -- It was shown that these prototypical experiences were those most readily linked with, and potentially indicative of the connection between moments of insight and ego level advancement. The counter example case study also powerfully revealed the conflict felt, even at a high ego level, when there is no "crystallisation of integration" afforded by a moment of insight experience. -- The evidence suggests that moments of insight may indeed be times of sudden ego development change. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / xiii, 485 p

Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Division of Linguistics & Psychology, Department of Psychology, 2004. / Bibliography: p. 478-485.

Mémoire (M.A.)-- Université du Québec à Chicoutimi, 1988. / Document électronique également accessible en format PDF. CaQCU

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Le titre de cette thèse, « Lacan et l’American way of life », est une façon d’interroger Jacques Lacan et les États-Unis afin de savoir pourquoi et comment son enseignement fut, pendant si longtemps, de ce côté-là de l’Atlantique, difficilement pris au sérieux dans la clinique. Si la théorisation lacanienne a été tenue à l’écart de la psychanalyse américaine, c’est parce que celle-ci avait d’autres repères. Nous en isolons trois : l’ego psychology, qui domina l’orientation de la psychanalyse américaine à partir des années 1930 ; Wilhelm Reich, le promoteur de la révolution sexuelle ; et les gender studies, pour lesquelles la psychanalyse est une pratique qui doit être abandonnée car trop soumise aux signifiants du patriarcat. Ces trois scansions – ego psychology, Reich, gender studies – sont trois théories du sexuel qui ont marqué les États-Unis, construisant chacune un sens sexuel qui exclut Lacan des enjeux cliniques. C’est ce que cette thèse se propose de démontrer. En commençant avec la réaction de Lacan à l’ego psychology et son retour à Freud, nous continuons vers la fin de l’enseignement de Lacan (à partir des années 1970) qui fonde une clinique orientée par le réel, qui repense la psychanalyse, y compris ce que Lacan avait d’abord affirmé. Le réel – le concept de réel – sera la boussole qui nous permet de déplier cette démonstration. L’œuvre de Lacan, particulièrement ses dernières formulations commentées par Jacques-Alain Miller, porte en elle des issues aux impasses de l’ego psychology et son culte du Moi, de Reich et sa jouissance phallique génitale, et des gender studies empêtrées dans les identifications et leurs contestations de celles-ci / This thesis, “Lacan and the American Way of Life”, examines Jacques Lacan and the United States in order to understand why Lacan’s teachings have had difficulty being taken seriously in American clinical practice. If psychoanalysts in the United States have kept Lacanian theory at a distance, it is perhaps because of the ways American practice has been oriented. We isolate three orientations: ego psychology, which had a strong influence in the United States as early as the 1930’s; Wilhelm Reich, the Viennese psychoanalyst and brilliant student of Freud who emigrated to the US and became known for his Sexual Revolution; and gender studies which considers that psychoanalysis, being overly subjected to patriarchal signifiers, should be abandoned. These movements represent three modalities of sexual theory that have left their mark on America, each bringing a meaning to sexuality in a way that excludes Lacan’s work. We examine these movements from a Lacanian point of view starting with his response to ego psychology (his return to Freud) and continuing with his later teachings (after 1970) that founded a practice oriented by the real – a re-thinking of psychoanalysis. The Lacanian concept of the real will be the compass that guides us through this demonstration. We will see that Lacan’s works, and especially his later formulations as explained by Jacques-Alain Miller, provide a way out of the impasses of ego psychology and its ego cult, of Reich and his genital phallic jouissance, and of gender studies and their entanglement with identity.

Cet essai tente d’aborder, ou plutôt de comprendre l’idée du devenir, soit l’intuition du temps et de son propre déploiement pour un sujet qui vit au semblable rythme. Pour Bergson, cela n’arrive que dans de très rares occasions, pour l’artiste, chez le philosophe ou encore lors des situations d’extrême changement, voire d’urgence pour chacun d’entre nous. Seulement, est-ce que cette "vision directe de l’esprit par l’esprit" est véritablement exceptionnelle ? Ne s’agit-il pas plutôt d’actes instantanés où nous touchons l’objet avant même d’en avoir fait l’expérience, et qui serait plutôt "condition" de celle-ci, qui signe de son sceau l’avenir en général ? Par là, bien que nous ignorions exactement quels seront les retentissements de nos actes, nous en avons une intuition, un certain aspect y serait montré ou "présence" d’un quelque chose excédant toute explication logique. Si l’on souhaite montrer que cette intuition est déjà "présence" en chacun de nos actes singuliers, et nous accompagne dans notre quotidien à partir de notre perception du monde, il conviendra de trouver un moyen, une méthode pour explorer les régions inconscientes de notre être – ou de cet Être. Nous supposerons que nous sympathisons avec le réel, que nous "composons" en ce sens avec lui dans ce qui naît de l’instant – bien que sans le savoir. Notre intuition serait la forme « à venir » de notre expérience conformément à une personne, la façon dont mes souvenirs se constituent lorsque, paradoxalement, ces derniers enveloppent et se constituent selon une forme, un droit qui n’appartient pas qu’à moi. Ainsi nous chercherons à définir comment l’individu concourt avec une réalité qui, ainsi, l’excède, le transcende, mais dont celle-ci ne peut pas non plus être telle qu’elle apparaît sans lui. Quelle est cette part qui, échappant au monde, fait du sujet l’un de ses devenirs ? Peut-on expliquer cette part de liberté, puisque s’il y a intuition, il y a une pluralité des devenirs (virtuels) ? Nous établirons une méthode pour en comprendre le cheminement ontologique. Mais dans cette science de l’Être, il s’agira de confondre à la fois la psyché et la façon dont la matière s’organise : soit selon une chora d’un point de vue cosmologique. / This essay is an attempt to approach and to understand the idea of devenir, the intuition of time, and its own deployment for a subject that live in a similar pace. According to Bergson, this happens, only in very rare occasions, to the artist, to the philosopher or still in situation of extreme change, or even of emergency to all of us. But, is this « direct vision of the spirit by the spirit really exceptional? Are they rather instant acts when we touch the object even before having experienced it, and which will be rather "condition" of it, which marks the future in general? By this, even though we do not know exactly what will the impact of our acts be, we have an intuition of it, a certain aspect would have shown or "presence" of something that exceeds any logical explanation. If we wish to show that intuition is already "presence" in each of our unique acts, and accompanies us in our daily lives from our perception of the world, it will be suitable to find a way, a method to explore the regions of our unconscious being, or of this Being. We will suppose that we sympathize with the real that we "compose" in this sense with it in what is born of the instant, even without knowing it. Our intuition would be the form "to come" of our experience, according to a person, the way that my memories form when, paradoxically, they envelop and constitute according to a form, a right that does not belong only to me. Thus, we will seek to define how the individual contribute to the reality which, thus, exceeds, transcends him but which cannot be as such without him. What is this part that, escaping from the world, makes of the subject one of its destinies? Can we explain this part of freedom, since there is intuition, a plurality of (virtual) "devenirs"? We will establish a method to understand the ontological journey. But in this science of the Being, it will be to confuse both the psyche and the way in which the matter is organized: according to a "chora" a cosmological perspective.

This study investigated potential relationships between master's level counseling students' levels of ego development and their identified orientations to one of six guiding theories of counseling; students' theoretical orientation classifications when classified according to the theory's domain of emphasis: affective, behavioral, or cognitive; students' degrees of confidence in identifying their theoretical orientations; and students' degrees of comfort in applying their theories in clinical practice. Seventy participants enrolled in a master's level practicum course completed the Washington University Sentence Completion Test, a measure of ego development, and the Counseling Theory Survey, a survey developed by the researcher, in order to identify students' identified theoretical orientations, students' degrees of confidence in identifying their theoretical orientations, and students' degrees of comfort in applying their theories in clinical practice. Ego development level was operationalized as a dichotomous variable consisting of level E5 and below and E6 and above, based on the developmental task attained at E6: a shift from emphasis on in-group identity to self-evaluated standards. To determine potential relationships between the students' ego development levels and their theoretical orientations and their orientations when classified by domain of emphasis, 2 x 4 and 2 x 3 Chi-square analyses were used. Independent t-tests were conducted to determine if the students' degrees of confidence in identifying their theoretical orientation and their degrees of comfort in applying their orientation varied across the two groups. No statistically significant results were found. Alternative explanations for the identification of theoretical orientation, limitations of the study, and suggestions for future research are discussed with emphasis on the need for greater integration of current theories related to the identification of theoretical orientation.

The Rorschach records and Wechsler Intelligence Scale scores of sixty-six children between the ages of 5 and 13 were compared. Subjects in each group were from one of three conditions: children who have documented histories of physical abuse, children referred for clinical intervention with no history of abuse, and a community sample of children with no documented history of abuse or psychological treatment. Data from the groups were analyzed to examine evidence of increased reliance on ego functions related to motor activity and concurrent deficits in other areas of ego function by subjects in the physical abuse group. Results revealed that the physical abuse group showed a greater tendency toward color-dominant responses on the Rorschach than the comparison groups and that the Community control group produced records with lower extended form quality than the clinical groups. No significant differences were found for Performance/Verbal IQ split, EB style, Cooperative Movement or Aggressive content.

This study was based on the premise that one outcome of education is ego development. The research was based on Jane Loevinger's theory that ego development is the central frame-of-reference through which people view themselves and their relationships with others. The study looked for evidence of ego development in adult students and for contributing factors, including academic environments. It compared the ego levels of students aged 35 to 55 at two higher education institutes and some experiences that are common to most colleges. The variables compared were based on Loevinger's levels of ego development and theories of academic environments of Moos, Pace, and Knefelkamp. The variables used were: ego development, type of school, background characteristics, relations with faculty, enthusiasm about school, opinions about academic environment and estimates of gains. The study was done in two stages. Five hundred forty students responded to a questionnaire on background characteristics and selected portions of Pace's Measuring the Quality of College Student Experiences. From this group, 150 students were mailed Loevinger's Sentence Completion Test and 85 were returned. Study findings provided an opportunity to expand the knowledge about the ego levels of adult students. Statistical analyses included chi-square and ANOVA. No statistically significant change in ego levels was found. No statistically significant differences were found between the ego levels of the students by schools or background characteristics. There were differences in how the two total populations responded to the questionnaire about school, environment and personal gains. Students attending the small liberal arts college indicated that they were more enthusiastic about college, felt that their school placed a stronger emphasis on both the subjective and objective outcomes of college. These students felt that their school placed a higher emphasis on interpersonal relationships. The students from the small liberal arts college were more likely to say that they had gained the most personally. Personal gains included development of values and standards, understanding of self, and the ability to work with others. These are characteristics that are indicative of ego growth. Recommendations included additional research into maximizing developmental environments of adult students and faculty education on adult development and learning styles.