In this paper, the ¡§divided government¡¨ is defined as a situation in which the president and the parliament are controlled by different parties respectively. The formation of a ¡§divided government¡¨ depends on whether the president is able to control an absolutely majority of seats in the parliament through election or not. Some literature think that a divided government is easy to lead to policy gridlock or inefficiency and even causes stalemate in the legislative and executive branches. However, many scholars feel that a divided government may lead to policy gridlock or inefficiency, but it is in agreement with the principle of checks and balances in the constitutional system and is able to meet the expectation of majority voters. The eras of the Third and Fourth Republic in France had the same political situation as today¡¦s Taiwan, i.e., deadlock legislation, impeded policy implementation, unsteady political situation, and frequent changes of premiers. During the period of the Fifth Republic, the political situation became steady gradually after France went through three times of ¡§La Cohabitation¡¨ commencing from 1986. It formed a ¡§constitutional convention¡¨ and set a good model for constitutional governments in the world. The constitutional system of Taiwan has been similar to the ¡§semi-presidential system¡¨ of France during the era of the Fifth Republic since the constitution of the Republic of China was amended in 1997.However, in the opinion of Chen Shui-bian, he thought a president is elected by the people directly, and the prime premier may be nominated by the president directly without the consent of the President of Legislative Yuan, so the constitutional system of Taiwan should be ¡§presidential system¡¨ instead of the ¡§semi-presidential system.¡¨ Therefore, after Chen Shui-bian won the presidential election in 2000, he ignored the fact that Kuomingtan held a majority seats in the parliament, which constituted a ¡§divided government¡¨, and refused to hand over the right of forming a cabinet to Kuomingtan, the majority party in the parliamen, or endow the power to a majority alliance.Consequently, the regime changed from a ¡§government for all people¡¨ led by Chen Shui-bian and Tang Fei to a ¡§minority government¡¨ controlled by Chen Shui-bian and Su Chen-chang in the past 6 years. Till now, there have been five presidents of Executive Yuan changed.Owning to the long-term conflict and stalemate between the executive and legislative branches, the politics of Taiwan is in a state of chaos, leading to today¡¦s constitutional crisis. In view of the situations mentioned above, this article investigates into the system factors contributing to the formation of ¡§divided government¡¨ in Taiwan and the political operation and political influences of individual actors from the viewpoint of historical institutionalism. Also, the in-depth researches and studies were conducted to find out the reasons why the political situation of Taiwan became unsteady and the country fell into the constitutional crisis in the past 6 years after President Chen Shui-bian held the reins of government and discuss how to solve those problems. The author also compared and analyzed the ¡§minority government¡¨ of Taiwan, the alternating mechanism of the ¡§La Cohabitation¡¨ in France, and the formation of ¡§coalition cabinet¡¨ in order to draw lessons from their experiences and establish a good interaction among the president, the cabinet and the parliament.

I denna studie undersöks en potentiell digitalisering av det svenska valsystemet. Utöver en undersökning kring vad en digitalisering av valsystemet innebär presenteras olika digitala valalternativ som finns till det traditionella valsystemet. Samtidigt samlas åsikter in från svenska valdeltagare om vad de tycker om dessa olika valsystem och vilket system som valdeltagarna anser uppfyller sitt syfte mest optimalt. Potentiella fördelar och nackdelar som kan uppstå för valdeltagare vid en digitalisering av röstningsprocessen, samt de primära skillnader som finns mellan det traditionella valsystemet kontra ett digitalt valsystem är även ett huvudområde inom denna studie. Avslutningsvis kommer det i denna studie att forskas kring vad som förhindrar digitaliseringen av valsystemet. All information har samlats in via en litteraturstudie samt en intervju med Valmyndigheten, som ansvarar för att svenska val ska fungera. Utöver detta har valdeltagare kontaktats via en enkät som har skapats för att samla in valdeltagares ställning till de olika valsystemen som presenteras. / Within this study a potential digitalization of the Swedish electoral system is made. Beyond a research around what a digitalisation of the electoral system means will this study present different digital alternatives to the traditional electoral system. Meanwhile, opinions will be collected from Swedish election participants regarding what election system they prefer and what system they think is the most optimal. Potential benefits and disadvantages for the election participants that could originate from a digitalization of the election system is also a key goal of the study. Finally within this study a research about what prevents a digitalisation will be presented. All the information has been collected through a theory research and an interview with Valmyndigheten, who is responsible for Swedish elections. Beyond the interview and the theory study a survey has been made to collect the voter participators position regarding the different electoral systems presented.

1 Abstract This paper tries to demonstrate an incorrect perception of the Czech municipal electoral system by voters. In order achieve this aim I identified the following research questions. Firstly, what is the perception of preferential voting by voters in the Czech local electoral system? Secondly, do voters use a strategic voting in the municipal elections? Thirdly, is there some influence on voters' decisions depending on the form of a candidate subject? These questions were answered on the basis of my own research, which took place in a chosen municipality. I showed that voters perceive preferential voting by the wrong way, which primarily comes from their low awareness of the electoral system. Furthermore, it was found that the different perception of the candidates affects a voter behavior. Unfortunately, whether voters use a strategically choice in municipal elections, I could not prove it.

Ett sedan länge betraktat problem inom politisk ekonomi är om, och i så fall i vilken utsträckning, politiska partier påverkar ekonomiska policyutfall. Syftet med studien är att undersöka om det rådande politiska majoritetsförhållandet i kommunfullmäktige har en effekt på kostnaderna för och kvaliteten inom en verksamhet som kommit att hamna allt högre på den politiska dagordningen under coronapandemin – äldreomsorgen. Studien tar avstamp i teoretiska utgångspunkter i form av medianväljarteoremet och citizen candidate-modellen. I syfte att estimera effekten av den politiska majoriteten på äldreomsorgen tillämpas en skarp regression discontinuity (RD) design för två kostnadsmått och två kvalitetsmått; antalet fallskador bland personer 80 år och äldre per 1 000 invånare samt brukarbedömning avseende äldreomsorg i särskilt boende. Resultatet visar att en vänsterblocksmajoritet är associerad med drygt 23 procent högre kostnader för äldreomsorg i kronor per invånare samt drygt sex procentenheters lägre nivå i fråga om brukarbedömning än jämfört med andra partikonstellationer. Resultaten är dock inte stabila över olika ekonometriska specifikationer och ytterligare studier skulle därmed behövas för att säkrare kunna belägga ett eventuellt samband.