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The goal of this diploma thesis is to verify hypotheses that the current legal framework of election law is in accordance with constitutional principles. Furthermore, author's intention is to highlight parts of the statute which may violate the Constitution. Such verification or rejection of hypotheses is deduced from the answers on the research questions, for instance if the voting system used within the course of the election to the Czech House of Representatives and if is desirable to modify the voting system and, if relevant in what manner (by what means). In order to answer these questions, the author applied the method of analyzing primary and secondary information sources, their interpretation and deduction of relevant conclusions. This thesis is divided into twelve chapters (incl. preface and conclusion, resume and bibliography) provided that the merit of the work can be found from chapter five to chapter eight. The second chapter is devoted to theoretical elaboration of individual voting systems. The following chapter discusses the evolution of the voting system used within the course of Czech and Czech-Slovak parliamentary elections in the 20th century. Fourth section of this paper is dedicated to constitutional establishment of the voting system used within the actual Czech parliamentary...

Pastaraisiais metais Ukrainos vardas vis dažniau minimas tarp politologų ir politikos apžvalgininkų. Šios valstybės svarba Europai vis didėja, tiek kaip naftos importo kanalo, tiek kaip galimo strateginio partnerio. Tuo pačiu didėja ir Ukrainoje vykstančių procesų supratimo būtinybė. Dažniausiai Ukrainos dabartinis politinis nestabilumas aiškinamas pagal regioninio skilimo, ar tranzitologijos požiūrio taškus, kartais destabilizuojančiu išorės poveikiu, bet rezultatas aiškus – parlamento darbas didžiąją laiko dalį yra paralyžuotas tarpusavyje konkuruojančių dėl valdžios partinių blokų. Dėl to jau buvo rengiami ir preišlaikiniai rinkimai, bet padėtis nerodo pasikeitymų požymių, bent jau greitu laiku. Ukrainoje veikia daugybė skirtingų politinę sistemą nulemiančių faktorių, bet susitelksime į vieną – rinkiminę sistemą. Ukrainos rinkiminė sistema keitėsi net tris kartus. 1994 buvo mažoritarinė, 1998 ir 2002 – pusiau proporcinė, o 2006 ir 2007 – pilnai proporcinė. Rinkiminės sistemos parinkimas ir pokyčiais Ukrainoje ir davė pagrindą šiam darbui. Šių sprendimų radikalumas leidžia palyginti visas tris pagrindines rinkiminių sistemų rūšis vienoje valstybėje, kas kitur pasaulyje būtų beveik neįmanoma dėl to, kad rinkiminė sistema tradiciškai būna vienas iš stabilesnių politinės sistemos elementų it pokyčiai joje daromi tik išskirtinias atvejais. Ukrainoje trys rinkimų sistemos buvo išbandytos vieni po kitų sekusiuose rinkimuose. Aišku kokį efektą tai turėjo reikia tirti... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / In recent years, the name of Ukraine is increasingly referred to the political and policy observers. These state the importance of Europe is increasing, as well as the oil import channel, both as a potential strategic partner. At the same time, Ukraine is increasing and the need for understanding the processes. In most cases, the current political instability in Ukraine interpreted according to the regional breakdown, or tranzitologijos point of view, sometimes destabilizing external influence, but the result is clear - the business of most of the time of paralyžuotas are competing for a government party blocks. As a result, has already been drafted and preišlaikiniai elections, but the situation does not show signs of pasikeitymų, at least in the short term. Ukraine operates many different factors determine the choice of political system, but to concentrate on one - the electoral system. Ukraine's electoral system is changed, even three times. 1994 was mažoritarinė, 1998 and 2002 - a semi-proportional, and in 2006 and 2007 - a fully proportional. Electoral system of selection and the evolution of Ukraine and the basis for this work. Extremeness of these solutions allows you to compare all three main types of electoral systems in one country, what the world would be almost impossible because of the electoral system is traditionally one of the sustainable elements of the political system it changes it made only in exceptional cases. Ukraine, the three electoral system was... [to full text]

Thesis advisor: Kenji Hayao / This thesis explores the motives behind, changes made by, and the consequences of the Japan's 1993 electoral reform that completely overhauled the electoral system. It begins with some background information that leads to the earthshattering event in 1993 that ousted the ruling Liberal Democratic Party from power for the first time since 1955. Then it explains and analyzes the old and new electoral systems. Finally, it concludes with the analysis of the 2003 elections, which was the third and latest election to be held under the new system. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

This study examines how the former president, Robert Mugabe and the ruling party, ZANU-PF, have designed and manipulated the political system in Zimbabwe to remain in power. The study begins with a comprise background and then analyzes which political system the country possesses. Finally, the analysis discusses how Robert Mugabe have used the constituencies, legal threshold, form of the state and exclusion of other parties to remain in power.

This thesis examines the Scottish Conservative party between 1832 and 1868. It focuses on the party's organisation, structure, leadership, and attitudes. It begins by examining the social, occupational, educational, and religious background of its MPs, candidates, and peers. This reveals that the party's composition, while predominantly aristocratic, nevertheless boasted a range of distinctive and often competing interests. The thesis then explores the make-up, organisation and activity of the party on a local constituency level. This illustrates that the party was more inclusive and heterogeneous than might be assumed, and was very active in promoting itself through a wide variety of methods. The party thus had a notable impact on the wider social and cultural life of Scotland throughout the mid-nineteenth century. Following this, the structure and leadership of the Scottish party on a national level is examined. These could be a source of innovation and accomplishment, and their subsequent decline had a marked effect on the party's overall performance. Above this level, the party's role in parliament, governance, and in a British context is explored. It is demonstrated that the Scottish party maintained a modicum of distinctiveness even at Westminster. Moreover, its multifaceted role in Scottish governance gave it significant influence over Scottish society. Finally, the positions of the Scottish party on important political issues are examined, as are the underlying attitudes which determined these positions. The Scottish party contained many competing and overlapping factions, which held a hitherto unsuspected diversity of outlooks. Overall, this thesis illustrates that the Scottish Conservative party had a pronounced effect on many different facets of Scottish politics and wider society, and was itself more complex and more popular than is reflected in the existing historiography. It therefore counters the assumption that Scotland was almost hegemonically Liberal - a finding which has potential implications for scholarship spread across Scottish and British political, social, and cultural history.

The Finnish electoral system was introduced in 1906 and elections were held the following year. Since 1906, all women and men have been eligible to vote and to be nominated in elections. The age of eligibility has been successively lowered from 24 in 1906 to 21 in 1944, to 20 in 1969 and to 18 in 1972. The Finnish parliament (Eduskunta) consists of 200 MPs elected from 15 districts. Except the Åland Island district elects a single member, the other 14 districts are all multi-member (the district magnitude is determined by the population size). Basically, the Finnish electoral system is a list system of proportional representation with multi-member constituencies. The allocation of seats to parties (including party alliance) is following the d'Hondt method. The Finnish electoral system has undergone some transformations since it was originally introduced in 1906. As it works today, general elections are held every four years (there is a provision for premature dissolutions of parliament¡Va presidential prerogative). There is no predetermined order of the candidates within each list. The names of the candidates are normally printed on large sheets of paper, where each candidate has a number, and the names may be organized within each list for example in alphabetical order. The ballot paper is a small slip of paper, where the voter has to write the number of the candidate for whom he or she is voting. The individual votes thus received by different candidates within each list (normally each list corresponds to one party or a coalition of several smaller parties) will determine their final order. In other words, the voter has the duty to vote for a single candidate, and the electoral campaign is very much oriented accordingly, as a competition between individuals, although the voters presumably are also aware of the party affiliation of the candidates and of the fact that their votes will benefit not only the individual candidate but also the party in question. When the votes have been counted and the order of the candidates within each list thus has been established, the final allocation of seats to the lists is carried out by the election board on the basis of comparison numbers, using the d'Hondt method. At the allocation stage, the individual votes of candidates are no longer relevant, as the order has already been established, and the lists compete with each other on the basis of the total votes received for each list. Therefore, the election is not exclusively a competition between parties; it is also a competition between single candidates on the party list. Because of the deadlock at present on Taiwan's electoral reformation, I personally think that Finland's electoral system will probably be a good solution to the problems of electoral system in Taiwan, and should be included in the discussion of improving our electoral system. Hence, I recommend that Finland's model will probably be suitable to Taiwan and deserve more attention in the current discussion on Taiwan's electoral reformation.

Political party is a outcome of modern democracy states. Political party is also the way of the operation of the modern democracy states. Philippines is the first state of the southeast Asia states to carry out democratic politics, but along with the political strongman that Ferdinard Macos declared the martial law, the democracy in Philippines turned back the wheel of history. Although Mrs. Corazon Aquino won the president election with the people's power in 1986, she renewed Philippines to make new constitution, and made it go back the democratic regime. However, the democratic regime of Philippines had been destroyed by Ferdinard Macos. In the past decades, stability of two-party system in Philippines had been disappeared. That has the name of ¡udemocracy shadow¡vof Philippines, frailty democracy is obviously. After Taiwan declared the martial law ended, the development of parties in Taiwan mushroomed, the transition of party-system from one dominant party system to multi-party system, the development in the future will bend toward the stable two-party system. Under the foundation of near time point that Philippines and Taiwan' democratic development, what are the diversity of parties of two states after the democratic development, we will compare with the similarities and dissimilarities on the Philippines and Taiwan's Parties, including party-system, party structure and the impact on party of electoral system, discussing and analyzing the reasons. By the institutionalism approach , we observe the influence on the parties and political environment. Eventually, we will make compares, induction and analysis on the character and tendency in the future on parties of two states.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・論文博士 / 博士(地域研究) / 乙第12940号 / 論地博第18号 / 新制||地||62(附属図書館) / 32150 / (主査)教授 玉田 芳史, 准教授 岡本 正明, 准教授 中西 嘉宏 / 学位規則第4条第2項該当 / Doctor of Area Studies / Kyoto University / DFAM