This study discovers sex differences in multiplex links on formal and informal networks of Swedish local elite. Elites are widely known to have an immense influence on a country’s politics and governance, and proportional representation of women in elite positions is an indicator of democratization and gender equality. Sweden has long been known for democratic and gender equal regulations, and women occupy more elite positions relative to other countries, yet they are still heavily underrepresented in the elite. Previous research on Swedish local elite revealed that women in the elite do not differ from their male peers in terms of local network properties on formal and informal networks; however, the circumstances on the multiplex links are unknown. In this study, multiplexity approach is adopted as it is known for allowing to capture social processes in social network analysis, which could otherwise be overlooked. The formal and informal networks of the community elite from four mid-sized municipalities in Västra Götaland region in Sweden are transformed into multiplex networks, and they were analyzed for local network configurations by using exponential random graph model (ERGM) estimation method. The findings showed that women in the community elite tend to have more multiplex relationships than men; however, they significantly lack valuable brokerage positions on the multiplex level compared to men. Male closure on the multiplex level was found to be higher than females at a partially significant rate, and gender-based homophily on multiplex networks was not found to be statistically significant. One implication of the study is women’s position and integration in the community elite do not appear identical to men’s, and women’s access to social capital in the elite networks is more constrained than it was presumed previously. Another implication is that special attention should be paid to multiplexity in social network analysis research, as it is a valuable tool for improving the apprehension of social mechanisms.

This thesis asks why Japan decided to procure BMD if it meant building an infrastructure which, because of its technological nature, had the potential to disrupt Japan’s preferred security strategy of hedging, that is, maintaining ambiguity of commitment, vis-à-vis China and the US. The investigation was divided into three parts dealing with the following questions – Why did Japan's BMD procurement matter? Who mattered? Why were the BMD and related decisions made? Such a structure of research was informed by “neoclassical realism,” according to which the relative material power of a country sets the parameters of its foreign policy, but the policy choices within these international constraints are made by political elites. A range of policymaking heuristics were used to investigate the domestic element of the approach. In addition to the conventionally specified policymaking actors such as MOD, MOFA, Prime Ministers, an original attempt was made to identify the possible influences of several elite networks. On the basis of the notes from the Japan-US Security Strategy Conference, two elite networks were analysed, namely the Japan’s Congressional National Security Research Group and Japan-US Centre for Peace and Cultural Exchange. It was concluded that they have probably had some influence on shaping Japan's BMD decisions. The conclusion of this research is that BMD was procured despite its disruptive potential because it was a tool of shifting Japanese policy from one hedging policy to another, that is, from one based on self-imposed restraints toward one exercised from the position of military strength. An analysis of international relations in East Asia in 1994-2007 and an analysis of the views of the security elites make Japan's transition toward a military strength-based hedging appear rational and confirm BMD's utility as a tool in this transition. Some negative consequences of a possible disruption to hedging, induced by BMD, can be contained exactly because of such a reformatting of hedging.