In October 1875 the Canadian government reserved a tract of land along the southwest shore of Lake Winnipeg for the exclusive use of Icelandic immigrants. This was part of a larger policy of reserving land for colonization projects involving European immigrants with a common ethno-religious background. The purpose of this policy was to promote the rapid resettlement and agricultural development of Aboriginal territory in the Canadian Northwest. The case of the Icelandic reserve, or Nýja Ísland (New Iceland), provides a revealing window into this policy, and the ways in which it intersected with the larger processes of colonization in the region during the late nineteenth century. The central problem that this study addresses is the uneasy fit between "colonization reserves" such as New Iceland and the political, economic and cultural logic of nineteenth-century liberalism. Earlier studies have interpreted group settlements as either aberrations from the "normal" pattern of pioneer individualism or communitarian alternatives to it. This study, by contrast, argues that colonization reserves were part of a spatial regime that reflected liberal categories of difference that were integral to the extension of a new liberal colonial order in the region. Using official documents, immigrant letters and contemporary newspapers, this study examines the Icelandic colonists’ relationship to the Aboriginal people they displaced, to other settler groups, and to the Canadian state. It draws out the tensions between the designs and perceptions of government officials in Ottawa and Winnipeg, the administrative machinery of the state, and the lives and strategies of people attempting to navigate shifting positions within colonial hierarchies of race and culture.

This document deconstructs the issue of forced displacement in Colombia, focusing on the period 1992 – 2004, and has two main methodological features. The first is its interdisciplinary approach, which is both sociological and economic. The second is its multilevel orientation, which aims to tackle forced displacement in Colombia on the individual, community and aggregate levels. Given the lack of interdisciplinary theoretical approaches to forced migration, I propose a new one, based on bounded rationality from economic theory and using Castles (2003) and Richmond (1988) for the sociology of forced migration. In order to properly characterise the concept of forced displacement as one of the many modalities of migration, my literature review expands on the thesis’ remit, both in time and scope, including studies of internal migration in Colombia, between 1960 and 2004. The review reveals some interesting lacunas and regularities in the study of forced migration in Colombia: the lack of interdisciplinary studies, the lack of consensus about the real dimension of forced displacement in Colombia - as a consequence of the divergent and hence unreliable nature of current statistics - the historic role of violence for flows of migration in Colombia, the importance of land appropriation and illegal economic activities as catalysts for the decision to migrate, and the specific profiles of gender and ethnic backgrounds. These issues are addressed in three chapters: one concentrates on deconstructing the different statistics available for forced displacement in Colombia, the systems devoted to collect them and the subjective reasons that may explain the differences between them: another evaluates the recurrence of specific patterns of ethnic background and gender among a displaced community and the third evaluates he lack of social cohesion as anomie, through applying the scale of Srole (1956) as used by Lipman and Havens (1965) in their study of the anomie among displaced people in Colombia.

As the population of Ireland continued to decline in the post-independent period, the number of women entering religious life rose substantially, reaching a peak in the late 1960s. Many of these women lived some or all of their lives outside Ireland. However, despite the recent growth of Irish migration or diaspora studies, very little attention has been given to the role or experience of Irish women religious, who themselves tend not to publish subjective accounts. This is undoubtedly the case with respect to Irish women's migration to England in the twentieth century. Based on the oral history testimonies of twenty-one Irish women religious, this thesis seeks to explore this under-researched area. It focuses specifically on subjectivity and identity formation; on the ways in which Irish women religious have inhabited, negotiated and contested a sense of self as Irish, as women and as Catholics/religious over the course of their lives and in the context of the societies in which they have lived. Utilising various theories, it looks at the complex ways in which subjectivities are formed and displayed, taking account of the role the women play in constructing a self identity as well as other contributing factors, such as how the women feel they are positioned by others and their socio-historical situation. In allowing the voices of Irish women religious to be heard, this thesis challenges the stereotype of religious as silent, without a voice. By focusing on a group of women thus far disregarded, it contributes to our knowledge not only of women religious but Irish women's migration more generally, providing new insights for this expanding area of research.

This study analyses the foreign relations of South Yemen (since 1970 the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen) from independence in 1967 until 1982. It covers the first four Presidencies of the post-independence period, with their attendant policy changes, and ends with the resolution of two of the more pressing foreign policy conflicts with which South Yemen was concerned, its support for the guerrillas in North Yemen, who were defeated in the spring of 1982, and its conflict with the Sultanate of Oman, with whom diplomatic relations were concluded in October 1982. Chapter One provides an outline of the background to South Yemen's foreign policy: the outcome of the independence movement itself and the resultant foreign policy orientations of the new government; the independence negotiations with Britain; and the manner in which, in the post-independence period, the ruling National Front sought to determine and develop its foreign policy. The remaining four chapters focus upon specific aspects of South Yemen's foreign policy that are, it is argued, of central importance. Chapter Two discusses relations with the West - with Britain, France, West Germany and the USA. It charts the pattern of continued economic ties with western European states, and the several political disputes which South Yemen had with them. Chapter Three discusses the issue of 'Yemeni Unity' - the reasons for the continued commitment to this goal, the policy of simultaneously supporting opposition in North Yemen and negotiating with the government there, and the course of policy on creating a unified Yemeni state. Chapter Four considers the attempt to promote revolution in Oman, relations with other states in the Arabian Peninsula and the gradual lessening of tensions between them and South Yemen. Chapter Five discusses relations with the USSR and China - the growth of military and economic links with Russia, the large but not complete area of PDRY-USSR political agreement, and the continued if sometimes tense relationship with China. The study ends with a brief Conclusion, suggesting some broader implications of South Yemen's foreign policy in this period.

The thesis focuses on the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada's Guidelines on Women Refugee Claimants Fearing Gender-Related Persecution, released in 1993. The guidelines were designed to address a perceived shortcoming in international refugee law and its domestic applications, namely, the omission of gender-based persecution from the protection of the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. The omission of gender from the UN Convention had resulted in gender inequalities in the evaluation of asylum claims, inequalities the Canadian guidelines were designed to correct. However, since the inception of the guidelines, critics have dismissed the directives as numerically ineffective, pointing to the low numbers of women requesting asylum on the basis of gender-related persecution. While such a numerical analysis may be useful, the thesis argues it is incomplete. The thesis centres instead on the vital consciousness-raising role played by the guidelines, both domestically and abroad, and on the concrete results engendered by this function in the international realm of women's human rights.

My dissertation concentrates on Americans writing at home and abroad in the inter-war period and contextualizes their expatriation with reference to debates between modernist critics over the nature and substance of the American literary tradition. I clarify the definitions of terms like "exile," "emigrant," and "expatriate" central to my analysis but muddied by years of misuse. I do so with reference to coercion, a concept which I develop in accordance with recent work in the philosophy of action. At the same time I make the case for a realist, causalist hermeneutics. Next I explore the aesthetic corollary to my argument with reference to the fiction, autobiography, and literary criticism of Gertrude Stein. I argue that Stein's decision to leave America must be viewed as uncoerced, and as therefore indicative of her emigration to France. Viewed as an emigrant, and not as an exile or expatriate, Stein can be shown to manifest tendencies in her work (towards subjectivity, abstraction, and retrospection) which reflect her dissociation from, rather than ongoing connection to, America. Lastly, I look closely at the work of Van Wyck Brooks and Harold Stearns, two modernist literary and culture critics whose writings on expatriation demonstrably influenced generations of subsequent biographers and intellectual historians. Steams and Brooks can be counted among the most articulate and vociferous proponents of literary change in America, and can be situated at the poles of a vigorous debate within the literary community of their day over whether American letters were better served from within or without the United States. I contrast Brooks' civic humanism with Steams' rugged individualism and identify in the debate over expatriation a powerful analogue to ongoing debates in literary and cultural critical circles referred to as "the culture wars."

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This thesis takes a critical approach to examine recent developments in European asylum and migration policy. Specifically, this research is interested in addressing the emerging paradigm of "migration management" and its impact on the nature of refugee protection and asylum in an integrated Europe. Two approaches are used in this analysis. First, from a functionalist perspective, this work considers how migration management has responded to contemporary realities of international migration. Secondly, from a critical theory perspective, the thesis analyzes how refugee protection becomes subsumed within the broader goals of migration management. This thesis will argue that the paradigm of migration management has effectively shifted the contours of the asylum debate by linking refugee and asylum policy with broader issues of labor migration, illegality and foreign relations. This has resulted in the separation of asylum from territoriality and more broadly, the submersion of the humanitarian considerations to the overarching goals of migration management.

This thesis studies the discursive behaviour of Canadian federal political parties with regards to immigration and integration issues. It seeks to test the empirical acuity offered by brokerage and issue ownership theories to explain the parties' electoral strategies in these domains. It examines the evolution of partisan discourse in relation to these themes over time, with special attention paid to the merger of right parties. It also studies the impact of certain real-world events, such as the referendum on Quebec secession in 1995 and the terrorist attacks of September 2001, on party positions. It thus proposes a quantitative and qualitative content analysis of five major parties' discourse, focusing on the various positions held by each of them on the issues of immigration and integration in their respective 1993, 1997, 2000, and 2004 election platforms.

Typescript. / Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 1990. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 339-365) / Microfiche. / xvii, 365 leaves, bound ill. 29 cm